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HISTORICAL ADDRESS 



A.T THE 



DCLCE ET 
PRO PATRIA 




:J(1 of JULY 1878, 
ON THE 100th A.NNIVERSARY 

OF THE 

BATTLE AND MASSACRE OF WYOMING, 

BY STEUBEN JENKINS. " 



WILKES-BARRE, PA. 
PRINTED BY ROBERT BAUR, 104 MAIN STREET. 




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HISTORICAL ADDRESS 



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PRO PATRIA MORI. 



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Sa of JULY 1878, 
ON THE lOOtli c\WISriVERSA.RY 



BATTLE AMD MASSACRE OF WYOMING. 



BY STEUBEN JENKINS. 



WILKES-BARRE, PA. \^'>». 

PRINTED BY KGEERT DAUE, 104 MAIN STREET, - ■-• . 




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ADDRESS. 



Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : 

There is no event of equal magnitude, that occupies so 
large and conspicuous a place ; none that has made the scene 
of "its enactment so celebrated in history and song, as has 
that of the Battle of Wyoming, with its attendant massacre 
and conflagration ; none that has so largely called forth the , 
execrations of mankind against the one side, and th^ feel-#l/ 
ings of compassion and sympathy for the other. 

We are met to day to recount the scenes enacted here 
on this ground just one hundred years ago, and to com- 
memorate the valor and patriotism of that little band of 
heroes who went forth to stay the march of the ruthless in- 
vaders of their soil and save their families, their homes, their 
flocks and their harvests from havoc and destruction. 

They were not soldiers, trained and inured to martial 
service, well armed and equipped for the fray. They had 
no great commander with an army of veterans, goiu'^' forth 
conquering and to conquer ; to sate his mad ambition or . 
wreak his vengeance upon . an innocent, nnoftending 
people. There was no one among them who possessed an 
an absolute command. Tliey were principally old men and 
IjOys unflt for the active and arduous duties of the field ; who, 



4 

Iroiii iiiotiiciency had remained at home, while tljo young 
' men, better iitted for those active and arduous duties, were 
serving in tlie distant ranks of our country's defenders. 

It was no w.ir of ambition, of pluucbjr, or i>f revenge 
on their part ; it was to save themselves ;iiid their families 
from butchery, their homes from the torch of the incen- 
diary, tlicir iiocks and herds from being slaughtered or 
driven off, their harvests from being destroyed, and their 
liberty from being overthrown. 

We cannot talk or judge of them as soldiers, for 
soldiers they were not. We cannot talk of them as 
an arm}', for an army they were not. Tliey were simply 
a hasty gathering of a rural settlement for defense against 
their invaders. As sucli I shall speak ot them to-day. As 
such we must judge of their acts. 

To more fully understand the position of affairs on 
that terrible day and night of carnage, devastation and 
blood, go back with me in the history of the Valley for one 
liundred years ; for it is of that period of its history we are 
met here to-da}^ to talk and reflect. We find quite a differ- 
ent state of affairs existing here then, from that which sur- 
rounds us liere to-day. 

Instead of cities and towns, the abodes of wealth, of 
luxury and ease, we see only a little hamlet or two, with log 
houses scattered here and there, occupied by busy toilers 
winning from the willing earth in tlie sweat of their brows, 
the means of subsistence. Instead of cleared fields, stretch- 
ing from mountain top to mountain top, dotted with fine 
farm houses, palatial in size and in grandeur of adornment, 
surrounded with large fiehls, finely fenced and subdued to the 
wish of the cultivator ; we find an almost forest waste, with 
here and there only a cleared spot, encumbered with stumps 
and brush, mostly bordering on the river. 

Instead of ttie screech of the locomotive, as it wheels 
its course through the valley at more than race horse speed, 
communicatinu: and exchano-ino- the interests and business 



5 

of tlie wh(i!e couiitrv, and bearini>; a share of the eoinraerce 
of the worid to and fro througlj it ; we hear the howls of 
voracious wolves, the screech of the stealtlij pantlier, and 
the frightful j^ell of the more stealthy and blood-thirsi y 
Indian savage, bearing terror, desolation and death to the 
nngnarded settler. 

Their communications with the outer world, instead of 
l)eiug borne upon the lightning's i-apid wing, instanta- 
neously throughout the whole continent, were borne on 
horseback or on foot, through an unbroken forest, withont 
roads or bridges ; and it was a live or six days' journey out, 
and as many to return again, and then only the nearest and 
feeblest settlements were reached. 

In passing from house to house through the settlement, 
instead of hearing the organ or the piano swelling forth 
their rich strains of harmony, or the hum and clatter of 
machinery gathering the abundant harvest and preparing it 
for the market, we hear tlic hum of the spinning-wheel, the 
bang of the loom, the whack of the threshing flail, the 
stroke of the felling axe, the grinding of grain with the 
pestle and mortar. 

The people were few and scattered, covering a hundred 
miles up and down the Susquehanna, limited in means and 
resources, and yet, with brave and true hearts, they battled 
nianfally against the toils, tlie sufferings, the privations and 
dangers that pressed tliem on every side. Such was the 
condition of the settlement here, one hundred years ago, 

x\nd who were these people thus isolated from the rest 
of the civilized world, the pioneers of a new colony, strug- 
gling with poverty and want, battling with foes without and 
foes within, and yet maintaining their ground amidst all 
their dangers, afflictions and sufferings? 

They were principally born and raised in the land of 
"steady habits;" were the sons and daughters of the honest 
yeomanry of Conncctient and Rhode Island; jiot the refuse 
of towns, not gold hunters or greedy speculators, or reck- 



less adventurers, but the young, the energetic and enterpris- 
ing part of a rural population, whose parents were minis- 
ters, deaccMis, and members of Evangelical churches. Those 
from Rhode Island were mostly Quakers, or Friends. They 
came to fell the forest, cultivate the land, and establish a 
society on the banks of the beautiful Susquehanna, where, 
under a more genial sun, and on a more fertile soil, they 
might enjoy all the privileges of their ancestors, and trans- 
mit to their posterity homes possessing all the character- 
istic excellencies of those of New England. They were 
joined in this enterprise by a company of settlers from 
Dauphin and Lebanon counties, of Presbyterian stock, who 
settled the town of Hanover. These were chiefly Scotch- 
Irish and German. 

They brought the gospel and the gospel minister with 
them and provided liberally forthcirsupport. They established 
schools and made ample provisions for education throughout 
the settlement, laying broad and deep the foundations for a 
religious, intellectual and moral community. Such were 
the sources whence came the people whose story we are 
tellins:, such the people themselves. The labors, the suft'er- 
ings, the dangers and deaths they endured in preparing the 
ground and sowing the seeds of future prosperity and 
greatness for their descendants accomplished their work, 
and have given, not alone to their descendants, but to hun- 
dreds of thousands from all parts of the civilized world, 
abundant cause ftir gratitude and joy. The soil they hal- 
lowed Avith their blood yields to us a bountiful su[)ply of all 
that can gladden the heart and make life happy. 

"With these introductory remarks I will at once enter 
upon the history of the events of the day we have met to 
commemorate, and yet, to treat of them properly, it becomes 
necessary to detail, to some extent, the preceeding history of 
the times which wrought out these events and their sad ter- 
mination. 

The country was engaged in a great and earnest strug- 



o-le for freedom from the exactions and tyranny of the 
British o-overnmsnt. It was the common canse of all the 
colonies, and nowhere was that cause more earnestly 
espoused and more ardently sustained than here, at Wyom- 
ino;. In addition to this cause for anxiety and disquiet 
among the settlers, another existed, which had, up to this 
time, o-iven them more troul^le and been productive of greater 
alarm" This was the struggle with the Penn proprietors, 
and those claiming under them, for the supremacy in gov- 
ernment, and the right of soil where they inhabited. 

Although this struggle had much to do in framing the 
destiny of the people here, and, in tact, in bringing the 
o-reat evils about, that wrought ruin, desolation and death to 
the settlers, there is no occasion to go into a history of that 
struggle, beyond a statement of its grounds and what it may 
be necessary to mention in passing on in our narrative. 

In 1620, Charles I., of England, granted to the Duke 
of Lenox, the Earl of Warwick, and others, under the name 
of "The Council of Plymouth," "All that part of America 
"lying and being in breadth from forty degrees of north 
"fatitude to the forty-eighth, inclusively, and in breadth 
"throughout the main lands from sea to sea." 

Robert, Earl of Warwick, in 1(330, obtained from the 
"Council at Plimouth," and the next year, 1631, having 
obtained confirmation of his title, by royal patent from 
Charles I., conveyed to Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brook, and 
others, "All that part of ^'cw England, in America, between 
" the fortieth and forty-third degrees of north latitude, 
" from I^arraganset river on the east, to the South sea on the 
" west, throughout the main lands." 

This grant was confirmed by royal patent from Charles 
II., on the'^P.Oth of April, 1662, from Narraganset bay on the 
east to the South sea on the west. The Pacific ocean at 
that time was known as the South sea. Wyoming lies 
within these bounds. 

On the 4th of March, 1681, Charles II., by royal 



8 

charter, g-raiited to William Penn, as Proprietary and Gov- 
ernor, the territory embraced in the present State of Penn- 
sylviuiia, which covered two degrees of latitude ot the same 
territory previously granted by him to tlie proprietors of 
the New England grant. The !N"ew England settlers claimed 
Wyoming under the grant of 1662; the Pennamites claimed 
it under the grant of 1681, from the same king. This was 
the ground of controversy, and out of this controversy, and 
from the efforts made on both sides to effect a settlement 
of the disputed territory, each side to the exclusion of the 
other, the struggle between the claimants arose. 

Tliis struggle existed at the first inception of the Revo- 
lutionarj^ contest, and Avas raging with great fierceness when 
th<^ oppressive acts of Great Britain, and (he battles of Con- 
cord and Lexington called off the tlioughis of the settlers 
from their own petty conflict, where a few acres of land only, 
were involved, to that mighty conflict in which their liber- 
ties and the fate of empires were swinging in the balance. 

Accordingly, on the first of August, 1775, immediately 
on receivino the news of those battles, the settlers assem- 
bled in town meeting and offered terms of compromise and 
accommodation to the Pennsylvania claimants, during the 
o-reat struo'ole with the common enemv. 

The proceedings of that town meeting are entered on 
their records as follows : 

"At a meeting of the proprietors and settlers of ye 
town of Westmoreland," (this was the town name b\ which 
Wvoming was then known) "legally warned and held 
August 1, 1775. 

Mr. John Jenkins was chosen Moderator for ye work 
of ye day. 

Voted, That this town does now vote that they w^ill 
strictly observe and follow ye rules and regulations of ye 
Iloitorablc Continental Congress, now sitting in Philadel- 
phia. 

Resolved, by this town, that they are willing to make 
any acconmiodations vrith ye Pennsylvania party that shall 
conduce to ye best good of ye whole, not infringing on the 



9 

property of any person, and come in common canse of Lib- 
erty in ye defense of America, and that we will amicably 
give thein ye offer of joining in ye proposals as soon as may 
be. 

Voted, This meeting is adjourned nntil Tnesday, ye 8tii 
day of this instant, August, at one of the clock in ye after- 
noon, at this place. 

This meeting is opened and held l)v an adj(nirnnient, 
August the 8th, 1775. 

Voted, That this town has but of late been incorpor- 
ated and invested with the privileges of the law, both civil 
and military, and now in a capacity of acting in conjunc- 
tion with our neighltoring towns, within this and the other 
colonies, in opposing ye late measures adopted by Parlia- 
ment to enslave A.merica; also, this town having taken into 
consideration the late plan adopted by Parliament, of enforc- 
ing their several oppressive and unconstitutional acts of 
depriving us of our property, and of biiuling us in all cases, 
without exception, whether we consent or not, is considered 
by us highly injurious to American or English freedom; 
therefore, we do consent to and acquiesce in the late pro- 
ceedings and advice of the Continental Congress, and do 
rejoice that those measures are adopted and so universally 
received throughout the continent, and in confornuty to the 
eleventh article of the association, we do now appoint a 
committee to attentively observe the conduct of all persons 
within* this town, touching the rules and regulations pre- 
scribed by the Honorable Continental Congress, and will 

UNANIMOUSLY JOIN OUR BRETHREN IN AMERICA IN THE COMMON 
CAUSE OF DEFENDING OUR LIBERTY. 

Voted, Tliat Mr. John Jenkins, Josepli Shuman, Esq., 
ISTathan Dennison, Esq., Mr. Obadiah Gore, Jr., and Lieuten- 
ant William Buck, be chosen a committee of correspond- 
ence for ye town of Westmoreland. 

Voted, That Jonathan Fitcli, Mr. Anderson Dana, Capt. 
Wm. McKarrachen, Mr. Caleb Spencer, Capt. Samuel Ran- 
som, Lieut. George Dorrance, Mr. Asahel Buck, Mr. 
Stephen Harding, Mr, John Jenkins, Jr., Mr. Barilla Tyler, 
Jr., Mr. Elijah" Witer, Mr. Nathan Kingsley, Mr. John 
Secord, and Mr. Robert Carr, be chosen a c(mimittee of in- 
spection for ye town of Westmoreland," 

The resolutions passed at both these town meetings 



10 

wore drawn by their' Moderator, and the, meetings were 
called and held at his suggestion. 

These proceedings cast the die for the settlers of Wy- 
oming. They now girded their loins and immediately 
commenced putting themselves in readiness to meet the re- 
sponsibilities of tJieir position. 

These terms of compromise, tlms offered by the settlers 
to the Pennsylvania claimants, were made known to tliem, 
and also to Congress. On the 4th of IS^ovember following. 
Congress passed a resolution recommending the Pennsylva- 
nia claimants to accept of the terms proposed. Congress 
was supposed to speak the sentiments of the Pennsylvania 
party, and it was presumed that they would be governed in 
their action by its recommendations, and hence the settlers 
neither suspected nor feared any further difficulty in that 
direction. It appears, however, that the Pennsylvania 
party, su[)posingthat the settlers, relying on the just recom 
mendations of Congress, would have all their suspicions 
lulled to rest, and would be unprepared to meet and success- 
fully coml)at a stealthy attack, set in motion a force of seven 
hundred men to make a secret expedition against Wyoming. 
Intelligence of this movement being received in Philadel- 
phia, Congress immediately, on the 20th of Deccmbev, 1775, 
resolved, "that it is the opinion of this Congress, and it is 
accordingly recommended, that the contending parties im- 
mediately cease all hostilities, and avoid every appearance 
of force until the dispute can be legally decided, etc." 

These recommendations, however wise and just, were 
all unheeded by the highwayman Plunket, who had charge 
of the expedition. He was thirsting for plunder, and was 
not to be choked off in this way. With the order of the 
Governor of Pennsylvania In his pocket, he hastened his 
movement "to expel the Connecticut settlers from Wy- 
oming." Well supplied with arms, ])rovisions and military 
stores, loaded on a large boat, he marched with his force, 
called a "posse," from Fort Augusta, in the early part of 



11 

December, accoiiipanieil by Williiim Cook, Sheritt" of 
NorthnniberUind county, to ^-ivc tlie iiiovenieiit the appear- 
ance of a civil proceeding. 

The progress of his force M'as necessarily reguhited by the 
movement of the boat containing their provisions and stores, 
and as the boat had to be propelled against the current, 
very much impeded by floating ice, the expedition did not 
reach Nanticoke tails, atthe lower end of the Valley, until the 
24th of December. Here Plunket left his boat, loaded liis 
men with provisions and ammunition, and started on foot for 
an attack upon the settlements above. Their route lay on 
the west side of the river. They had not proceeded a mile 
when they observed before them a ridge of rocks, presentino- 
to them a precipitous front, rising from a foot or two liio-h 
near the river to a point 800 feet high on the mountain. 
Behind defenses built on this ridge, were posted the settlers 
to the number of about 300, waiting the advance of 
Plunket. Each side had skirmishers out, and considerable 
skirmishing was done, in which some were killed on both 
sides. As Plunket approached, the settlers arose and dis- 
charged a volley of musketry which threw Plunket's force 
into disorder, and it at once retreated. An examination of 
this natural rampart showed it to be impregnable, and the 
expedition seemed utterly thwarted. Plunket, however, fell 
back on his boat, and taking a batteau which he had l)rought 
with him, commenced conveying his troops across the river. 

The settlers, foreseeing that some move of this kind 
might be made, had stationed men there under Lieutenant 
Stewart to prevent it. As the boat neared the shore it was 
fired into and one man killed, when the others, includino' 
Plunket, lay down fiat in the boat and suft'ered it to fioat 
down the river over the falls. The troops on tlie western 
shore discharged a volley into the hushes wlience the firino- 
proceeded and killed one of the settlers named Bowen. 
Plunket at once retreated and abandoned his enterprise. 

At a town meeting held March 10, 1776 : 

"Voted, That the first man that shall make fifty weio-ht 



12 

of good saltpetre, in this town, sliall be entitled to a boiint}' 
of ten *j)ounds lawfnl money, to be paid out of the town 
treasury.'" 

Mrs. Bethiali Jeid<ins, wife of Lieutenant John 
Jenkins, says the women took up thtir lioors, dug out the 
earth, put it in casks, and ran water througli it, as ashes are 
leached. They then took ashes, in another cask, and made 
ley, mixed the water from the earth with the ley, boiled it, 
set it out to cool, and the saltpetre rose to the surface. 
Charcoal and sulphur were then pounded and mixed with 
the saltpetre, and powder was thus produced for the public 
defense — Miner, p. 212. 

dolm Jenkins, representative from Wyoming to the 
Connecticut Assembly, at May sessions, 1776, obtained lib- 
erty to erect a powder mill at Westmoreland. 

At the liri^t news of the conflict at Concord and Lex- 
ington many of the young men of Wyoming hastened to 
join the Colonial forces, near Boston, to resist the encroach- 
ments of the British government and maintain their liber- 
ties, and some of them arrived in time to take part and fall 
in the battle of Bunker Hill 

Later, and during the winter of 1775-6, a number 
removed their families back to Connecticut, and thence 
proceeded to join the army under Washington. 

Col. Wisner, of Orange county, New York, visited the 
Valley for the purpose of obtaining recruits. Lieut. Oba- 
diah Gore, with twenty or thirty others, marched under 
Wisner to the field of conflict. 

On the 4th of July, 1776, Congress, after due delibera- 
tion, declared the Colonies independent of the British crown. 

The people everywhere burned with enthusiasm to sus- 
tain the action of Congress, but nowhere more fervently 
than at Wyoming, as their acts and the proceedings of their 
meetings show. 

At a town meeting held at Wilkes-Barre, August 24, 
1776, Col. Z. Butler, Moderator for ye work of ye day : 



13 

'* Voted, As the opinion of this meeting, that it now 
becomes necessary for the inhabitants of this town to erect 
suitable forts, as a defense against our common enemy. 

That tliis meeting do recommend it to the people, to 
proceed forthwitli in building said forts, without either 

FEE OR REWARD FROM YE TOWN." 

In pursuance of this vote, John Jenkins, Stephen Hard- 
ing, the Gardners, their relatives, with their friends, pro- 
ceeded to build a stockade around tlie house of Jolm 
Jenkins, which was called "Jenkins' Fort.'' This was in 
Exeter township, now West Pittston, about ten or twelve 
rods above the northwest end of the Pittston ferry bridge. 

Elisha Scovell and some other inhabitants of Exeter 
township, joined with the Wlntermoots, the A^an Alstynes, 
and others, from Montague township, Sussex county, New 
Jersey, in building a fort a mile or more below, on the brow 
of the plain, where a fine spring flowed from the foot of the 
hill forming the plain, which was named " Wlntermoot 
Fort." 

The inhabitants of Kingston erected a fort, an acre or 
more in extent, on the west bank of the Susquehanna, in 
that township, in the town plot, near the centre of the town, 
wdiich was named " Forty Fort," from the fact that the 
township was originally settled by forty proprietors and 
divided equally amongst them. 

Upper Wilkes-Barre had its fort just above the mouth 
of Mill Creek, built to guard and control the mills erected 
on that stream, called "Wilkes-Barre Fort." 

There was a fort in the town plot of Wilkes-Barre, 
situate on the river bank just below South street, called 
"Wyoming Fort." 

The inhabitants of Hanover erected a block-house on 
the bank of the river, some three miles below Wilkes-Barre, 
called "Stewart's Block-house." Shawnee, or Plymouth, 
had only a pretence for a fort. 

Besides these was the stockade at Pittston, on the east 
s ide of the river, nearly opposite Jenkijas Fort. This was a 



14 

place of some strength and importance. The i)0()}tle of 
Pittston and its noighhorhood all sought protection within 
its ample space and behind its rugged log structures. 

While these proceedings were being had at Wyoming, 
Congress had her attention turned to that locality, as appears 
by the following proceedings of that bod^' : 

"Friday, August 23, 1776. Resolved, That two com- 
panies, on the Continental establishment, be raised in the 
town of Westmoreland, and stationed in proper places for 
the defense of the inhxibitants of said town, and parts adjacent^ 
till further order of Congress; the commissioned officers of 
the said two companies to Ijc immediately appointed by 
Congress. 

That the pay of the men to be raised as aforesaid, com- 
mence when they are armed and mustered, and that they 
be liable to serve*^ in any part of the United States, when 
ordered by Congress. 

That the said troops be enlisted to serve during the 
war, unless sooner discharged by Congress." 

August 26th Congress proceeded to the election of 
sundry officers, when Robert Durkee and Samuel Ransom 
were elected Captains of the two comi)anies ordered to be 
raisedin thetownof Westmoreland; James Welles and Perrin 
Ross, First Lieutenants; Asahel Buck and Simon Spalding, 
Second Lieutenants, and Herman Swift and Matthias llol- 
lenback. Ensigns of said companies. 

Earlv in September information was received of the 
resolutions of Congress, and rendezvous for the eidistment 
of men on the terms proposed, were opened by Captain 
Durkee on the east, and Captain Ransom on the west side 
of the Susquehanna. 

These companies of Durkee and Ransom had been 
already in existence for some time, and had tendered their 
services to Congress, but they had not their full (piota, as re- 
quired, and some little delay was necessary that the requi- 
site number might be raised. Some change in the ofiicers 
was made, Lieut. Buck resigned his position, and John 
Jenkins, Jr., was appointed in his place. 



15 

On the 17tli of September the two companies completed 
their (piota and were mastered into the service ot Congress, 
and were known as the ''Two Independent Companies of 
Westmoreland."' 

At a meeting of the Connecticut Assend^l}', in October, 
1776, an act was passed for raising a military company in 
the town of Westmoreland, to be a part of the 24th Regi- 
ment of Connecticnt Militia, of which company Solomon 
Strong was appointed Captain; Obadiah Gore, Jr., First 
Lieutenant, and Jolm Jenkins, Jr., Second Lieutenant. 

As lias been stated, Lieut. Gore had gone with a body 
of men, under Col. Wisner, and Lieut. Jenkins had joined 
Capt. Durkee's company, before their ap[)ointments were 
made by Connecticut. 

We thus see how actively an 1 earnestly our people had 
engaged in the struggle against their oppressors, and to 
maintain tlie declaration of Congress. 

But the enemy were quite as active. 

The American army, nnder General Washington, pur- 
sued by an overwhelming force, was driven from Long 
Island, and, on the 15th of September, 1776, New York was 
taken possession of by tlie British. 

On the 16th, Fort Washington fell into their hands. 
Washington was retreating before them from post to post 
through New Jersey, and on the 8th of December he 
crossed the Delaware. 

Congress immediately took measures to retire from 
Philadelphia to Baltimore. 

At this moment of excitement and imminent peril, 
they resolved "That the two companies raised in the town 
"of Westmoreland be ordered to join General Washington 

" WITH ALL POSSIBLE EXPEDITION."' 

They then adjourned amidst the utmost trepidation, to 
meet in Baltimore on the 20th. 

The two Wyoming companies promptly obeyed the 



10 

orders, and before the cud of the year reached the place of 
rendezvous. 

About three weeks afterward, or on the "ioth of January, 
1777, tlu'V took part in the battle of Millstone, and f)r their 
brave and gallant conduct on that occasion, received the thanks 
of their commanding officers, in general orders. They were 
afterward in the actions at Bound Brook, at Brandy wine, 
at Germantown, and at Mud Fort. They were decimated 
by disease and the casualties of war, each company losing 
more than one-fourth of its original number. 

The geneijil campaign of 1777 opened amidst gloom 
and despondency for the American cause. Gen. Bui-goyne, 
with a large and powerful army was descending from the 
north, along Lake Champlain and the Hudson, and Howe 
was moving up that river to join him, hoping thereby to 
sever the Eastern Colonies from the Middle and Southern. 
The Indians had, until this time, remained, in a great meas- 
ure, quiescent, but they were seduced from their partial neu- 
trality, and, on the 20th of June, at Boquet river, taken 
into full service of the British, bj- Gen. Burgoyne, and a 
market was opened by him for human scal[)s, at ten dollars 
for each, that the Indians might gather in their work of 
desolation and death. 

The Tories, also, were roused up to Join with the 
British and Indians in their bloody work, antl it now i)e- 
came evident that besides the regular warfare that might be 
expected from civilized nations, the frontiers would be 
everywhere overrun by the Indians and their more sav.i<j:e 
allies, the Tories, and would become one long line of con- 
flagration, devastation and death. 

This state of affairs soon began to he felt at Wyoming, 
and a system of guards and scouts was established and reg- 
ularly kept up among the settlers, to watch the Indian paths 
and the movements of the Tories — a number of the latter 
living on the northern border of the settlement. It was soon 
ascertained that communication was kept up by the Tories, 



/. 



17 

residing at Tunkljaiiuock and above, with the Indians about 
Tioga, Chemnng and JSTewtown. 

In the fall of 1777, many of the settlers on the river above 
Wyoming, who had moved into that locality from the Del- 
aware, and from New York and lower Pennsylvania, under 
the auspices of the Pennsylvania government, began to give 
manifest evidence of their sympathy with the British crown, 
and of opposition to the American cause. 

In October, Lieut. Asa Stevens was detailed on a scout 
by the committee of inspection, with nine men, who re- 
turned bringing in five suspected persons as prisoners. In 
the latter part of JSTovember, Lieut. John Jenkins, while 
out on a scout, at Wyalusing, was betrayed by the Tories 
into the hands of a body of Indians that infested that local- 
ity, and was taken by the latter to Port Niagara. Upon re- 
port of this fact at Wyoming, Col. Nathan Denison, of the 
the 24th Connecticut Regiment of militia, organized his 
little force and prepared to march into that locality. He 
reported that on the 20th of December, being informed that 
a band of Tories were forming on the north and westward 
of said town of Westmoreland, in order to stir up the In- 
dians of Tioga, to join said Tories and kill and destroy the 
inhabitants of Connecticut, he ordered part of his regiment 
to be immediately equipped and marched to suppress the 
conspirators. The party marched about 80 miles up the 
river and took several Tories, (about 30), and happily con- 
tented the Tioga Indians, and entirely disbanded the con- 
spirators. Eighteen of these prisoners were sent to Con- 
necticut, where "they were received and treated as prisoners 
" of war, having been taken in arms against the United 
" States." — See the War of the American Revolution, p. SIS- 
GOO. 

About the 13th of February, 1778, Amos York and 
Lemuel Fitch were taken prisoners from the same locality, 
and hurried off to Niagara. Richard Fitzgerald was cap- 



18 

tared at the same time, but l)eing an old man, they dis- 
charged him. 

The prisoners, captured by the Indians and Tories, 
Avere kept at Niagara all winter, among a camp of British, 
Indians and Tories, of the most brutal and degraded char- 
acter. Many of the latter were from the Susquehanna, 
above Wyoming, and hence bore a particular enmity to the 
prisoners, who, from this cause, sufiered many hardships 
and injuries from the hands of their captors and keepers. 

The force wintering at Niagara had, a great part of it 
at lea^^t, been with Gen. St. Leger, in his attack on Fort 
Schuyler, in August, previous, and, in consequence of their 
defeat there by the American forces, under Col. Gansevoort, 
were greatly exasperated, and for this reason, were exceed- 
ingly venomous and cruel in their treatment of the prison- 
ers in their charge. 

They received neither clothes, shoes, blankets, shelter 
nor lire, Avere kept starved for provisions — and what they re- 
ceived was of the worst kind, such as spoiled flour, biscuit 
full of maggots and mouldy. The Indians would crowd 
around them with knives in their hands, and feel of them, 
to know who was fattest. They dragged one of the prison- 
ers out of the guard, with the most lamentable cries, tor- 
tured him for a long time, and both the Indians and the 
Tories said they ate him, as it appears they did another on 
an Island in Lake Ontario. 

DeVeaux says of this terrible place — 
"Niagara was the headquarters of all that was barbar- 
"ous, unrelenting and cruel. There were congregated the 
"leaders and chiefs of those bands of murderers and mis- 
"creants who carried death and destruction into the remote 
"American settlements. There civilized Europe revelled 
" with savage America, and ladies of education and refine- 
"ment mingkMl in the society of those whose only distinc- 
"tion was to wield the tomahawk and the bloody scalpiiig- 
" knife. There were the squaws of the forest raised to 



19 

"emmence, and the most unholy alliances hetween them 
"and officers of the highest rank smiled upon and counte- 
"nanced. There in this stronghold, like a nest of vultures, 
"securely, for seven years, they sallied forth and preyed 
"upon the distant settlements of the Mohawk and Susque- 
" hanna Valleys. It was the depot of their plunder; there 
"they planned their forays, and there they returned to feast 
"until the time for action should come again." 

It was amid such people and such scenes as these that 
our prisoners spent the winter, and of which they each and 
all suffered their full share. Leaving our prisoners here for 
the winter, let us see how affairs were progressing at 
Wyoming. 

We have learned, as has heen already stated, that nearly 
all the ahle bodied men were away in the service of their 
country. The remaining population, in dread of the sav- 
ages and their allies, were building six forts, or stockades, 
requiring great labor, and " without fee or reward." The 
whole available force was formed into train-bands, guards, 
scouts, &c. , and in constant active service. The small-pox 
pestilence was in every district, and no remedy or means 
then known, could arrest its spread or stay its virulence. 

"At a town meeting, legally warned, holden December 
80, 1777. 

John Jenkins was chosen Moderator for ye work of ye 
day. 

Voted, l)y this town. That the Committee of Inspection 
be empowered to supply the sogers' wives and the sogers' 
widows, and their families, with the necessaries of life." 

Miner says of this vote — 

"Let it be engraved on plates of silver! Let it be 
" printed in letters of gold ! Challenge Rome, in her Repub- 
"lican glory, or Greece, in her Democratic pride, to produce, 
"circumstances considered, an act more generous or noble ! 

" Justice and gratitude demand a tribute to the praise- 
" worthy spirit of the wives and daughters of Wyoming. 
"While their husbands and fathers were away on public 



20 

"duly, tliey clieerfully assumed a large portion of the labor 
" wliieli females could do. Tliey assisted to plant, made the 
" hay, husked and garnered the corn and gathered the har- 
"vest They threshed the wheat, or shelled the corn, and 
*'gronnd it in mortars with pestles, or putting it in a bag 
"across a horse, would get on top, and taking the youngest 
"child in their arms, would thus convey it to the nearest 
"mill, sometimes a distance of ten miles, Avaiting till it was 
"ground, that they might have bread for their children on 
"their return home."— Miner, p, 212. 

'The year 1778 brought great distrust and fear to the 
frontiers generally, but particularly to Wyoming. The 
defeat and surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga had left the 
British without sufficient available force in America to carry 
on a regular campaign for that year, and, as the war was to 
be continued, the only resource left to the British govern- 
ment and her commanders, was to employ the Indians and 
Tories almost exclusively, in carrying on a war of deso- 
lation on the frontier. This was their declared policy, and it 
was at once suspected and feared that Wyoming would be 
among the first to be attacked, for none were so hated and 
exposed as the j>eople on the Susquehanna. They had been 
among the first to declare against British usurpations, and 
had been the most active and earnest in supplying men and 
means to support that declaration. 

The position was known to be, in a measure, defense- 
less, and tar removed from immediate support, and their 
situation seemed to invite rather than re}>el the design of an 
invasion. A portion of the enemy, particularly the Tories 
who had settled up the river under the Proprietary govern- 
ment, were exasperated by the efforts of the people in the 
cause of Independence, and their careful watchfulness of the 
movements of all not co-operating with them, and especially 
by the arrest of some of their number, who had betrayed 
certain of them and delivered them into the hands of the 
enemy, and it was strongly suspected that they would incite 



21 

a niovemcnt against Wyoming, if it were possible to do so> 
It v/as known early in the spring of 1778, that a, large 
force was collecting at Niagara, for the purpose of laying 
waste the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Virginia and I^ew York; 
and as early as February, General Schuyler wrote to Con- 
gress to inform them that such was his belief In March lie 
wrote again to Congress, saying: "A number of Mohawks, 
"and many of the Onondagoes, Cayugas, and Senecas, will 
*' commence hostilities against us as soon as they can. It 
^' would be prudent, therefore, early to take measures to 
"carry the war into their country. It would require no 
"greater body of troops to destroy their towns than to 
"protect the frontier inhabitants." 

In this state of affairs, the people of the frontiers ap- 
pealed to Congress for forces for their protection. The peo- 
ple of Wyoming in particular, represented to Congress the 
threatening situation of their locality, and made an earnest 
appeal for aid. Moved by their entreaties. Congress cam3 to 
the rescue of Wyoming, in the following remarkable reso- 
lution : 

"March 16, 1778. Resolved, That one full company of 
foot be raised in the town of Westmoreland, on the east 
branch of the Sus([Uehanna, for the defense of the said 
town and the settlements on the frontier in the neighbor- 
hood thereof against the Indians and the enemies of these 
States ; the said company to be enlisted to serve one year 
from the time of their enlisting, unless sooner discharged 
by Congress; and that the said company find their own 

ARMS, ACCOUTREMENTS AND BLANKETS." — Joumal of CongTCSS, 

vol. iv, p. 118. 

It would not be difiicult to estimate just how much this 
resolution of Congress added to the effective force at W}^- 
oming. It was erpiivaleut to a suggestion of this sort : 
Wyoming has appealed to Congress for help. She needs 
help, undoubtedly. Let her help herself She has the per- 
mission of Congress to do so ; provided she builds her own 
forts, and furnishes "her own arms, accoutrements and 



22 

KLANKETS," uiul defends the settlements on tlie fn^ntier in 
her neighborhood. 

If there was ever a ease in wlilch the asking for hread 
and reeeiving a stone was exhibited in all its enorinity and 
ungratefulness, more than in this, history has refused to re- 
eord it. 

This faet will stand out more ])roininently wlien it is 
nnder3t<)od that the Wyoming people liad exhausted all 
their means and force, available for active service, in fitting 
up and sending out the companies of Durkee and Ransom, 
in addition to those who had gone back to Connecticut and 
entered the service there, and those Avho had under Lieut. 
Gore joined Col. Wisner's regiment. 

This astonishing magnanimity of Congress was not sat- 
isfactory to the people of Wyoming. Having received in- 
telligence of a meditated attack upon them, they again in- 
formed Congress — that same Congress — of the threatening 
danger, and their exposed and defenseless position, and 
prayed that the two Wyoming companies of Durkee and 
Ransom might be returned home, toguarvl and protect them 
through the impending peril. They felt that there should 
])e no difficulty about this demand being granted, as those 
companies had been raised for the express purpose of de- 
fending their homes, and by tlie resolution of Congress, 
were to be '•'■ stationed in proper places, for the defense of the 
inhabitants of said town and parts adjacent.'" 

When called upon, however, to go on the distant ser- 
vice of the Republic, in an liour of peril, and leave their 
homes defenseless, they marched with the utmost alacrity, 
not a murmur was heard, for every man felt that the case 
was one of urgency and imperious necessit}', and not one of 
tliem, or those they left defenseless behind, entertained a 
doubt but that the agreement, "to be stationed in proper 
places, to defend their homes," would be religiously 
observed, and, when occasion re(piiri'd, they would be or- 
dered back to the A^alley. 



23 

But there was undoubtedly an influence at work on 
Congress, looking more to private advantage than public 
good, whose purpose would be better subserved by the de- 
struction of the settlement at Wyoming, than by its preser- 
vation. That influence prevailed, and Wyoming was 
left to tJie flite that they knev.' so immediately impended 
over her devoted people. 

A few straggling Indians and Tories, lurking about the 
settlement, pretending to be friendly, had been closely 
watched by the settlers, and they had become fully satisfied 
that the presence of these strangers boded no good, but that 
their designs were evil, and mischief was meditated for 
Wyoming. 

In the midst of the fear, the doubt, and uncertainty 
that prevailed among the people, Lieut. John Jenkins ap- 
peared upon the scene, having escaped from his captors and 
returned home. He, with York and Fitch, had been taken 
by the Indians early in April to Montreal, where the British 
authorities discharged York and Fitch, they not having been 
found in arms, were not considered as properly i)risoners of 
war. They were put on board a British transport, to be 
conveyed to some point in New England, for release. Fitch 
died of a fever on the voyage ; York survived until he 
reached the residence of his father-in-law, Manassah Miner, 
in Vol unto wn. Conn., where he was taken sick, and died 
eleven <hiys before his family reached there, in their flight 
from Wyoming, after the massacre. He died believing that 
his family had all been cut ofi:'in that massacre, as they had 
been delayed on the way by sickness. 

Lieut. Jenkins was taken by the Indians from Montreal 
to Albany, to be exchanged for an Indian chief who was a 
prisoner at that pl-ace, in the hands of the Americans. 
When the party arrived at Albany, the chief, for whom he 
was to be exchanged, had died of the small-pox. They re- 
fused to exchange him for any other prisoner, but retained 
him, to take him to Seneca Castle, to be disposed of by the 



24 

Grand Council of the nation, wliich they expected would be 
gathered at that place, by the time tliey should arrive there. 

On the fourth night after the party left Albany, the 
prisoner, by the aid of a young chief, with whom a strong 
frieudsliip had existed from almost the first period of his 
captivity, made his escape, and arrived at home on the 2d 
of June. 

He l)rouglit information that the great mass of the 
Tories from up the river had wintered at Niagara with the 
Indians and British, that they had been insolent and abusive, 
had threatened to return in the spring, bring the Indians 
witli them, drive the settlers oif, and take possession of the 
country themselves ; that a plan of this sort liad been 
concerted at Niagara before he left there. This was the 
first reliable information the settlers had received of the 
threatened invasion of Wyoming, although it was known, 
much earlier, that an invasion of the frontiers somewhere, 
was to be made from Niagara, by the combined force of 
Britisli, Indians and Tories that had wintered in that locality, 
and from the conduct of the straggling Tories and Indians, 
to which we have alluded, it was strongly suspected that 
Wyoming and its neighborhood would be the objective point. 

The story of Lieut. Jenkins confirmed the worst sus- 
picions of the settlers, and they became aroused to the 
danger of their situation. 

An express was inmiediately sent to Washington and 
to Congress, to inform them of the certainty of the inva- 
sion, and to ask that the companies of Durkec and Ransom 
be immediately sent to Wyoming, together with such ad- 
ditional force as could be spared for the occasion. 

Capt. Hewitt, who had been appointed to eidist the 
new company, under the resolution of Congress, which has 
been given, and who were to furnish their own "arms ac- 
coutrements AND BLANKETS," was immediately sent up the 
river on a scout. 

On the Tith of June, there was an alarm from Indians, 



25 

and .six. white men, Tories, coming in the neighborhood of 
Tiinkliannock, about twenty-five miles up the river from 
Wyoming, and taking Elisha Wilcox, Pierce and some 
others prisoners, and robbing and plundering the inhabi- 
tants of the neighborhood, 

News of this incursion was brought to the Valley on 
the night of the 6th, and on the 7th, although Sunday, the 
inhabitants set to work to complete and strengthen their 
fortifications. 

On the 7th, there w^as an alarm from Shawnee. For a 
week or more after this, there appeared to be a lull in the 
storm at Wyoming, a calm such as often preceeds a violent 
tempest, but it raged with great fierceness in other quar- 
ters. 

The forces that wintered at Niagara and in Western 
New York, in pursuance of orders issued by Col. Guy 
Johnson, assembled at Kanadaseago, or Seneca Castle, early 
in May, and from this point sallied forth in divisions to carry 
on their hellish work. Although the objective point was 
Wyoming, yet they were to divide their forces into parties 
and attack difierent points, lay them waste, spread terror, 
consternation and death on every hand, that thgir ultimate 
destination might not be known, and no force of sufiicient 
size to ofi'er successful resistance be concentrated against 
them ; and l)y dividing their force and sending it into dif- 
ferent localities, they would be tlie better able to learn the 
strength and direction of any force which might be sent 
to oppose them. Capt. Joseph Brant, or Thayendenegea, 
with liis Alohawks, some Senecas, Scoharries and Oquagos, 
went l)y way of the outlet of the Cayuga Lake and the 
head waters of the Mohawk, and arrived in the vicinity of 
('herry Valley about the 25tli of May. His mission, w^ith 
his destructives there, was to lay waste that place. He 
secreted them on Lady Hill, about a mile east of the fort, to 
await a favorable opportunity to strike the fatal blow, and 
slay or capture its occupants. 



26 

A company of boys hap}>ened to be training, for boys 
caug'bt the martial spirit of the times, as Brant, like the 
eagle from his eyrie, was looking down from his hiding 
place, upon the devoted hamlet, seeking his prey. Mistak- 
ing these miniature sohliers for armed men, he deferred the 
attack for a more favorable opportunity. 

After killing Lieut. Wormwood, a promising young 
officer, from Palatine, who had left the fort but a few min- 
ites before, on horseback, and taking Peter Sitz, his com- 
rade, prisoner, Brant directed his steps to Cobleskill. — 
Sims' Scoharrie, p. 28. Border Warfare, p. 126. 

On the 1st day of June, was fought the battle of Co- 
bleskill. The Indian forces, commanded by Brant, 
amounted to about three hundred and fifty. The American 
forces, commanded by Capts. Patrick and Brown, amounted to 
about fifty. The battle was mostly in the woods, and l)oth 
parties fought in the Indian style, under cover of trees. Of 
the American force, twenty-two were slain and their scalps 
borne off in triumph, among them Capt. Patrick. Six were 
wounded and two made prisoners. The Indians had about 
an equal number killed. — Sims — Campbell — Stone, p. 353. 

From here, Brant, after committing a few further dep- 
redations in that quarter, led his forces to Tioga, where lie 
joined the main body of the army, marching to the invasion 
of Wyoming. 

At the same time that Brant started on his expedition, 
from Kanadaseago, Major John Butler, commonly called and 
known as Col. Butler, being at that time, however, only a 
major, with the British and Tories, amounting to about four 
hundred, and a party of Indians, under Gucingerachton and 
Xaviiiiiwaurto, both Seneca chiefs, amountin"' to about four 
hundred, passed up Seneca Lake and proceeded to Che- 
mung and Tioga, at which point Butler and Kayingwaurto 
engaged in preparing boats for transporting themselves and 
their baggage down the Susquehanna. 

A considerable body of Indians, under Gucingerachton, 



27 

were detaclied at Knawaliolee, or Newtown, and sent across 
tlie country to strike the West Branch of the Susque- 
hanna and lay it waste, wliile the boats were being pre- 
pared, and Brant sliould rejoin the main party witli his 
forces. 

Gucingerachton, with his party, arrived on the West 
Branch near the month of Bald Eagle creek, on the 16th 
of May, and at once commenced liis work of death and 
desolation. He continued at this work, overrunning the 
whole line of the lower West Branch, until the 10th of 
June. He and his savage horde swept that whole region as 
with the besom of destruction, and the final catastrophe in 
the bloody work occurred on tliis latter day. 

Aieginness says — 

" This was indeed a bloody day. The savages glutted 
" themselves with murder and plunder, and retired in tri- 
" umph. A gloomy pall seemed to have fallen over the 
" infant settlement, and weeping and wailing were heard 
" on every hand. Children were murdered before their 
" parents'" eyes ; husbands were compelled to witness the 
" horrid deaths of their wives, and in turn, children were 
"■ compelled to gaze upon the mangled bodies of their 
" parents. Neither age, sex, nor condition were spared ; the 
"wails of helpless infants, the imploring cries of defenseless 
" women, failed to awaken a chord of pity in the adaman- 
" tine bosom of the tawny savage. He laughed their pitiful 
" appeals to scorn, and with a fiendish grin of pleasure, plied 
" the knife, and tore the reeking scalps from their heads." 

The harvest of scalps they reaped in these fields counts 
up to forty-five — add to these a large number of prisoners, 
and a vast amount of plunder, and we have (Otzinachson, 
]>. 211, etc.) a slight account of the work done. 

It will readily be seen, from these facts, what the scope 
of the Indian warfare for 1778 embraced. The whole fron- 
tier was aglow with fire, desolation and death, beneath the 
fagot, tomahawk, rifle and seal ping-knife of the Indians, and 



28 

tlu'ir cruel and implacable allies, the British and Tories, 
Our narrative now returns to Wyoming, for this is 
becoming the gathering point of all these scattered parties. 
A glance shows at once that the storm is gathering, dark 
and fearful, in that tlirection, boding deatli and destruction 
through all its borders. 

( )n the 12th of June, William Crooks and Asa Budd 
went up the river to a place some two miles above Tunk- 
hannock, on the west side of the river, formerly occupied 
by a Tory named John Secord, one of the committee of 
inspection apppointed August 8, 1775, who had been absent 
at Niagara since the fall l)efore. Crooks was fired upon by 
u party of Indians and killed. 

On the 17th, a party of six men, from Jenkins' Fort, in 
two canoes, went up the river to observe the movements of 
the enemy. The party in the forward canoe hmded about 
six miles below Tunkhannock, on the west side of the river, 
opposite LaGrange, or Osterhout, and ascended the bank. 
They saw an armed force of Indians and T<iries miming 
toward them. They gave the alarm, returned to their 
canoe, and endeavoreci to get behind an island to escape 
the fi.re of the enemy, which was being poured in upon 
them. The canoe, in which were Miner Ttobbins, Joel 
Phelps and Stephen Jenkins, was fired upon and Kobbins 
killed and Phelps wounded. Jenkins escaped unhurt, 
altliough his paddle was shot through and shivered to pieces 
in his hands. In the })arty that iired upon the canoe was 
Elijah Phelps, the brother of Joel and brother-in-law of 
Kobbins. 

Capt, Hewitt, with a scouting party, went up the river 
on the 26th, and returned on the 80th of June with news 
that there was a large party up the river. 

At Jenkins' Fort, the uppermost in the Valley, and but 
little over u mile above Wintermoot Fort, there were gath- 
ered the families of the old patriots, .John Jenkins, Esq., 
and Captain Stephen Harding, the lladsalls, John Gardner, 



29 

and others, dlstiiiguisliod for zeal in tlieir country's ciiiisc. 
Not apprised of the contit ^&tyi' y- of the savages, on the 
morning of tlie 80th of June, before Captain Hewitt's 
return, Benjauiin Harding, Stukley Harding, Stephen Hard- 
ing, Jr.. John Gardner and a hoy named Rogers, about eleven 
years of age, James Hadsall and his sons, James and John, 
the latter a boy, wifh his sons-in-law, Ebciiezer Reynolds 
and Daniel Carr, together with Daniel Wal'en and a negro, 
named Q.uocko, a servant of William Martin — twelve in all, 
went uj) the river about iive or six miles, into Exeter, to 
their several labors, some of them, particularly T3enjamin and 
Stukley Harding, taking their arms. The Hardings, with 
Gardner anil the boy Rogers, worked in the corntiehi of 
Stephen Harding, Jr.; the Hadsalls and the others, part in 
Hadsall's cornlield, on an island, part in his tanyard, close 
at Ijaml, on the main land. 

Towards evening, Michael Showers, or Sliores, and 
Jacob Anguish, or Aidvcrs, two well-known Tories, came 
to Stephen Harding's cornfield, and told them they might 
call in their sentries and they would stand guard for them. 
Suspecting them of treachery, and that danger threatened, 
Steplien went at once to get the horses and make for home. 
When the Tories saw wliat Stephen was doing, they left to 
give information to the Indians and Tories, who were not 
far off in a large body. 

When Stephen returned with the horses, near to where 
he had left his brothers, he saw that they had quit work 
and passed on down the river t(nvards a deer-lick. 

On the way down was a dee[», narrow ravine, through 
which a siuall brook found its way to the river. In this 
ravine, a body of Indians and Tories had concealed the?n- 
selves, waiting their coming. This spot is in the neighbor- 
hood of the new Baptist meeting house, between that and 
the river. As the party was passing this point, the savages 
fired upon tliem, wounding both Benjamin and Stukley. 
They returned the fire, and then quite a contest ensued. 



30 

The IiiJiaus rushed upon them with spoars and toiiuihawks, 
and they chibbed their guws and fought bravely and-fu- 
riousl}', resisting until the}- fell, pierced througli with spears, 
and were hacked and cut to pieces with the tomahawks. 
John Gardner was taken prisoner. Having no arms, he 
took no part in the fight. 

That the Ilardings tougiit bravely was attested by the 
enemy, as well as by the terrible condition of their liodies 
when found. In the meantime, a party of the Indians had 
captured the elder James Hadsall, his son-in-law, Carr, and 
the negro, at the tannery, which was situated just above the 
mouth of the creek 

Those on the island came otf in their canoes, and as 
they were ascending the bank, a part}^ of savages, lying in 
wait, fired upon them, shooting James Iladsall down and 
wounding Reynolds, who fled with Wallen, to the woods. 
John Iladsall, the boy, remained behind fastejiing the canoe. 
Upon hearing the firing he plunged into a thicket of wil- 
lows and drift that overhung the waters near by. The In- 
dians, missing one from the party in the canoe, went to the 
river to search for him. One of them walked out on a log 
just over where he was hid, but did not discover him. He 
could see the Indian's eyes as he peered about to tind him. 
After night set in, he ventured oat of his hiding place, and 
made his way back to the fort, arriving after midnight. He 
was the first to arrive and bring news of the fate of his com- 
panions to their waiting, anxious friends. 

The elder Iladsall, Gardner, Carr and the negro were 
taken up Sutton's creek ai)out a mile or two, to what is 
known as the Bailey farm, where Hadsall and the negro 
were put to death by the most insulting, lingering and ex- 
cruciating tortures, giving a most delightful evening's enter- 
tainment to Major Butler and his demoniac crew; the In- 
dians and Tories being the actors in the horrible drama, the 
Tories in particular displaying a lively relish in the per- 
formance of their several parts. 



31 

StophcMi Tlardin;;-, -Tr., with the boj Rogers, Reynolds 
and Wallen, fled through the woods, and after wandering 
all night, succeeded in reaching the fort next morning. 

Intelligence of this alfair was at once communicated to 
uU parts of the Valley, and the utmost alarm and consterna- 
tion prevailed. 

Col. Zebulon Butler, of the Continental army, then at 
home on leave, being solicitdl, assumed command of the 
settlers. On the 1st of July, he, Col. Nathan Denison, and 
Lieut.-Colonel George Dorrance, with all the forces at com- 
mand, at that time, marched from Forty Fort to Exeter, a 
distance of eleven miles, where the murder of the preceding 
day had been perpetrated, with the design of punishing the 
guilty parties. 

The two Hardings were found where they had tallen. 
from appearance they must have contended to the last,for their 
arms and faces were much cut and several spearholes were 
made through their bodies. They were scalped and other- 
wise mutilated. Two Indians who were watching near the 
.dead bodies, expecting that friends might come to take them 
away, and that they might obtain other victims, were shot 
— one where he sat, the other in the river, to whlcli he had 
lied. Zebulon Marcy's riHe, it was supposed, killed one of 
them, and subsequently he was waylaid and hunted for sev- 
eral years ; a brother of one of the Indians kiUed swearing 
he would have revenge. 

The bodies of the Hardings were brought down to 
Jenkins' Fort, washed and decently buried in the Jenkins' 
gravej^ard, near tlie fort, where Elisha Harding, Esq., their 
brother, caused a stone to be erected to their memory, with 
this inscription : " Sweet be the sleep of those who prefer 
^'liberty to slavery." 

The borough of West Pittston has the distinguished 
honor of having these sacred relics repose within her bounds. 
They should be cherished and cared for by every true 



32 

patriot, A iiltin*;- monument should be erected to mark 
tlu'lr resting place. 

John Gardner, taken at tlie time the liardings were 
killed, was a husband, the father of five 'children, and a 
highly respectable man. On the morning of the 4th, his 
wife and children were permitted to see him. The inter- 
view was extremely aflecting. He was chained to a log, and 
nearby lay a heavy pack of plunder which lie was expected to 
carry. The last adieu was exchanged, and they parted to 
meet no more. When his captors were ready to go, they 
put a rope around his neck, placed the pack on his l)ack, 
and led him off as they would a beast of l)urden. He held 
out until they arrived in the neighborhood of Geneva, N. 
Y., where, exhausted by his journey, and crushed by the 
weight of his load, he fell to the earth, when he was handed 
over to the S(iuaws, who tortured him to death. They piled 
up wood and brush al)out him, stuck him full of j)i!ie kuots, 
set tire to them, and thus ended his life. 

Daniel Carr, a fellow prisoner, saw the remains the fol- 
lowing day, and represented it as a sight to awaken the 
deepest pity. 

The enemy, numbering about two hundred British 
Provincials, and about two hundred Tories, from I'ennsyl- 
vania, IS'ew York and N^ew Jersey, under the conmiand of 
Major John Butler, and Capt. Caldwell, of Sir John John- 
son's Royal Greens, and about tive hundred Indians, com- 
manded by Kayingwaurto, a Seneca chief, and Capt. Joseph 
Brant, a Mohawk, descended the Sus([uehanna river in boats, 
and landed near the mouth oi' IJowmaii's creek, where the}' 
remained some time, waiting for the West Branch party to 
Join them. This i)arty consisted, as before stated, of about 
two hundred Indians, under the command of Gucingei-ach- 
toii, a Seneca chief. After the junction of all the forces, 
numbering altogether about eleven hundred, they moved 
forwanl to the invasion of Wyoming. They left the largest 
of their boats, and with the lighter ones passed on down to 



33 

t]ie ''Three Islands," five or six miles below, laying them up 
in Keeler's eddy, about fifteen miles from the Vailey. 

From this point they marched overland, and encamped 
on the evening of the 30th of June, on Sutton's creek, 
about two miles from where the Hardings were killed. 

On the let of July, while the settlers were marchino- 
up the river to bring down the dead bodies of the Harding^ 
and if possible, chastise their murderers, the enemy were 
nuirching toward the Valley, by a route back of the moun- 
tain, which lay between them and the route the spttlers took 
in marching up and returning. They arrived and encamped 
on the side of the mountain bounding the Valley on the 
north-west, at a point directly opposite' Winterm'oot Fort. 
Parties from the enemy passed in and out of Wintermoot 
Fort the same night. On the morning of the 2d, the gates 
of the fort were thrown wide open to the enemy, and pos- 
session taken by them. It was said that the inmates of the 
fort consisted chiefly of Tories, wdio treacherously surren- 
dered it to the enemy. This became their headquarters 
while they remained in the Valley. 

The evening of the 2d, a detachment, under the com- 
mand of Capt. Caldwell, was sent to reduce Jenkins' Fort. 
Originally, the garrison consisted of seventeen, mostlv old 
men, six of whom, Miner Bobbins, the two Hardings^ two 
Hadsalls and the negro were slain, and three made prison- 
ers ; two, Phelps and Reynolds, wounded; Samuel Morgan, 
sick, and two lame, so that no means of resistance being 
left, the stockade capitulated on honorable terms. 

During all th\s day the settlers were engaged in ^-ath- 
ering all the force they could command, with their women 
and children, at Forty Fort, and tlie other forts, chiefly the 
former, aljout four miles below Wintermoot Fort. 

It was a day of alarm, excitement and terror ; a day of 



34 

preparation, running to and fro, tioeing and seckiii-;- slielter 
from impending wrath and death. 

3d JULY, 177S. 

Let ns look at tlie [)Osition of atfairs as tliev existed on 
the 3d of July, 1778. 

The u{)porpart of the Valley, on the west side of the 
river, was in the hands of the enemy, numhering 1100 men, 
well armed and equipped, thirsting for conquest and l)lood. 

!So complete and etfective was their possession, that no 
person had been able to pass their lines to give information 
of either their numbers, position or purpose. 

Jenkins' Fort, on the Susquelianna, just above the west 
end of the Pittston Ferry Bridge, was in their possession, 
liaving capitulated the day before, but possession had nt)t 
been taken until this morning. 

Wintermoot Fort, situate on the bank of the plain, 
about a mile and a half below and about half a mile from 
the river, liad been in their possession all the day before, and 
was used as their headquarters. 

Forty Fort, some four miles further down the river, 
situate on the west bank of the Susquehanna river, was the 
laro-est and strono-est fort in the Vallev- Thither had tied 
all the people on the west side of the river, on the 1st and 
2d, and this was to be the gathering point of the patriot 
band. The Wilkes-Barre and Pittston Forts were the gath- 
ering points for the people in their immediate neighborhood. 

The forces, such as they were, were (iistributcd through- 
out the Valley somewhat as follows : 

The Kingston company, commanded by Ca})t. Aholiab 
Buck, numberins: about fortv men, was at Fortv Fort. 

The Shawnee company, commandi'd by Capt. Asapli 
AVhittlesey, numbering about foi-ty-fonr men, was at Forty 
Fort. 

The TTanover comjiany, commanded l)v Capt. Wm. 
McK.arrachcn, nund)ering about thirty, was at home, in 
TTanover. 



35 

The upper Wilkes-Barre company, commanded by Capt. 
Rezin Geer, numbering about thirty men, was at Wilkes- 
Barre. 

The lower Wilkes-Barre company, commanded by Capt. 
James Bidlack, Jr., numbering about thirty-eight men, was 
at Wilkes Barre. 

The Pittston company, commanded by Capt. Jeremiah 
Blanchard, numbering about forty men, was at Pittston 
Fort. 

The Huntington and Salem company, commanded by 
Capt. John Franklin, numbering about thirty-live men, was 
at home; 

These were the militia,or train-bands, of the settlement, 
and included all who were able to bear arms, without regard 
to age. Old men and boys were enrolled in them. 

Then there was Capt. Detrick Hewitt's company, 
formed and kept together under the resolution of Congress, 
to which reference has already been made. 

Besides these, there were a number who were not 
enrolled in any of the companies, numbering about .one 
hundred ; and in addition, there were a number in the Val- 
ley who had been driven from the settlements up the river. 
Making altogether in the Valley, a force of men of all ages 
and l)03's, numbering about four hundred. 

Notwithstanding the neglect which all their former ap- 
peals for aid had met with, a new appeal was made by the 
settlers when they learned the certainty and imminence of 
the danger that was threatening, and fast closing in 
about them. Again was an express sent to Washington and 
to Congress, informing them of the immediate presence of 
the enemy and of the imminent peril which threatened, re- 
questing the aid of their two companies, with such addi- 
tional force as could be sent; but there was so much hesi- 
tancy in deciding, and so much delay in letting the com- 
panies go after the decision was made, that Captains Durkee 
and Ransom, and Lieutenants Welles and Ross, and some 



o'iiLi't;, resigned tlieir commigsions in disgust, and liurried 
liome to the relief of tlieir beleagured neigli])ors, friends 
and families. 

The two Wyoming companies, largely reduced by dis- 
ease and the casualties of war, were thereupon united and 
placed under the command of Simon Spalding, as Captain, 
raised to that position from a Lieutenancy in Durkee's com- 
pany. After a day or two's detention, this company alone 
was sent by a roundabout way to Wyoming. 

Ahhough Captains Durkee and Ransom, Lieutenants 
Ross, Welles, and some others, arrived before tlie march 
to battle, they could give no definite information as to 
when the company might be depended upon to arrive for 
their assistance. 

Capt. Clingman, at the lower Fort Jenkins, thirty-five 
miles down the river, had been sent for by express, the ur- 
gency and danger of the situation made known to him, and 
his assistance, with his command, consisting of ninety men, 
earnestly solicited. There was not much hope or expecta- 
tion ol" this company marcliing to their assistance, from the 
fact tliJit it was a l^ennsylvania company, feeling no interest 
in the salvation of the settlement, yet it v,'as thought their 
humanity might prompt them to do their duty, and hence 
they might come to assist in driving back the savages and 
British. 

On the 2d, Col. Denison had sent a messenger express 
to Capt. John Franklin and Lieut. Stoddard Bowen, to 
hurry forward to the scene of danger, with their Hunting- 
ton and Salem compan}^ without delay. 

Col. Zebulon Butler was at Wilkes-Barre, putting 
everything in that neighborhood in a defensible position^ 
and awaiting developments. 

Such was the situation, when, on the morning of Fri- 
day, the .'}(1 of July, Major John Butler sent a flag to Forty 
Fort, demanding an unconditional surrender of that fort,, 
the public stores, and Capt. Hewitt's company, with a prom-- 



37 

isc that he would, when iu possession, give tlieiii good tennfi. 
of capituhition, and with a threat that in case of refusal, 
lie wouhl move upon them at once in full force. 

The demand was refused by Col. Denison, then in com- 
mand, hut the refusal was accompatned with a suggestion 
that he would like time and opportunity to consult with 
Col. Butler and other officers, who were not then present. 

The Hag was borne by Daniel Ingersoll, a prisoner, 
taken at Wintermoot Fort, wlio was accompanied by a Tory 
and an Indian, to serve both as guards and spies. They re- 
turned, bearing the refusal of surrender, and it was sup- 
posed that upon their return and report to Major Butler, he 
woukl immediately march upon them. 

A messenger was forthwith despatched to Col. Butler, 
at Wilkes-Barre, informing him of tlie situation, and re- 
questing his imtnediate |»resence with all tlie available force 
at command. 

Col. Butler at once ordered the two Wilkes-Barre com- 
panies and the Hanover company, to march directly to 
Forty Fort. They promptly responded, and at one o'clock 
they were all at the place of rendezvous. Information had 
been sent to otlicr parts of the Valley, for every mi'in to 
hasten to Forty Fort, as an attack was hourly expected. 

Immediately upon Col. Butler's arrival, a consultation 
of the officers was held, in which the situation was fully dis- 
cussed. It was decided not to surrender, but to hold tiie 
fort at all hazards. 

For the purpose of securing, by delays in negotiations, 
sufficient time to permit the arrival of Franklin and Spal- 
ding's companies, and possibly Olingman's, a flag was sent 
to Major Butler, for a conference with him, upon the sul)- 
ject of his demand of the morning. At the same time 
scouts were sent out to make reconnoisance, and learn, if 
possible, the strength and situation of the enemy, and 
Watch his movements. In fact, such scouts had been out 
all tlie morniniT, 



38 

The Hag had not proceeded half way to Major Butler^s 
camp, when it was tired upon by prowling Indians and 
Tories, probably out as spies, and compelled to return. 
After consultation, another flag was sent out. It was also 
tired upon and compelled to return. 

The scouts sent out returned with the news that they 
had not been able to get near enough to the British camp, 
to ascertain more than that they were still occupying the 
neighborhood of Wintermoot Fort, and that the Indians 
were })rowling about in every direction, many of thorn mov- 
ing down the Valley, capturing horses and cattle which 
were roaming about in the woods. 

Other scouts were sent out, and it was resolved to try 
another flag. This had not proceeded far, when it was tired 
upon and compelled to return. Scouts that had been out 
returned with reports that the enemy were moving down 
toward the fort, and that tlieir nundx'r was not greater than 
that in the fort. 

It was at once resolved to go out and meet them, and, 
if possible, beat and drive them back, at least stay their 
progress of destruction down the Valley. 

Accordingly, the force gathered at Forty Fort, nimiber- 
ing about four hundred, including old men and boys, 
marched out, at about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, to defend 
their homes and harvests against the invaders, leaving the 
fort, with a few old men and young boys, women and child- 
ren, many of them sick, under the (rommand of Lieut. John 
Jenkins. They marched from the fort in martial array, 
with the Stars and Stripes at their head, to the tune of " St. 
I*atri«-k"s day in the morning,'' played on the tife by a true 
son of Erin, and drums beating, and proceeded as far as 
AV)raham's creek, at the point where the road now crosses 
it at the stone bridge, a little over a mile from the fort. 
Here on the hill a halt was made, and the l)arty properly 
disposed to resist an attack. 

The position was well chosen. The creek at this point 



89 

Vnakes a complete elbow, round a hill which rises, al)riiptl}') 
about twent}' feet al)Ove the stream, largely })rotecting their 
right ami front, while a branch of the stream and a marsh, 
on the left, covered that part (jf their force, and their rear 
was o}>en for retreat to the fort, shouhl that l>ecome neces- 
sary. The [tosition Avas well calculated to be successfully 
held against a largely superior i'orce, at least it gave them a 
great advantage in case of an attack u[»on them. 

From this point a tiag was again sent out, and other 
scouts, and their return awaited. Tliis tiag was also tired 
upon and returned. Scouts that had been previously sent 
out, had, by great skill and energy, succeeded in making a 
reconnoisance of the enemy, by passing along the ioot 
of the mountains on the west of the Valley; but on their 
return, when in Western Wyoming, near the present site of 
Shoemaker's mills, were shot, one fatally : the other, slightly 
wounded, made his way back to headquarters. The infor- 
mation brought was t?a the effect that the enemy were in 
commotion, but what their design or wliicli way they were 
moving, could not be told, butthe supi>osition was they were 
preparing to leave the Valley. All the information gained 
was too indefinite and too slight to be of any use in judging 
of either the numbers or design uf the enemy. W\ was 
doubt and uncertainty. 

Speculations and discussion now began to arise as to 
the intent of tlie enemy. The march upon Forty Fort, 
which had been threatened by Major Butler in the morning, 
unless a surrender was made, had not taken place. What 
did it meari ? Had the threat any meaning, or was it mere 
braggadocio ? It was suggested that the invading force had 
been over estimated by the timid; that if Major Butler had 
the overwhelming force pretended, he would, long ere this, 
have; put his threat in execution, instead of breaking camp 
and leaving the Valley, as now appeared most probalde. 
What did it mean ? Was it a mere threat to frighten, and 
thus evade pursuit ? Such were the queries the situation 



40 

giiVQ rise to, and in consequence of no satisfactory answer 
beini;- at liand, tlie discussion grew warm — liot, I may say. 

In tlic heat of the discussion, scouts returned reporting- 
that the enemy were burning all tlie settk^ments above, and 
collecting all the cattle within their reach, and, from appear- 
ances, it was supposed they would not risk an immediate 
attack on Forty Fort, at least, did not intend to do so, but 
would burn, plunder and destroy all the upper settlements^ 
probably cross the river to Pittston, take possession of that 
fort, destroy that and the neighboring settlements, massa- 
cre tlie people or make them prisoners, and then return 
back with their booty from whence they came. 

This report put an entirely new feature on the face of 
affairs. Although speculative to a great extent, yet it 
afforded those who had been fierce to march and meet the 
enemy, new grounds on which to urge their views. They 
had become tired of seeking the enemy T)y flags, and de- 
manded to march, ineet and attack him wherever found. 
They insisted that his force was small, too small to cope 
with them, or he would, ere this, have executed his threat 
of the morning. 

The cool and more judicious of the officers, on whom 
the responsibilities rested, thought prudence the better part 
of valor, and decided that their present position, being ten- 
able against a supei'ior force, and serving to protect the 
lower and main part of the valley from the encroachments 
of the enemy, Avould answer the purpose of protection to 
that part of it, until the expected reinforcements should ar- 
rive. 

At this point in the debate, Lieut. Timothy Pierce ar- 
rived with information that the company of Spalding was 
on its way, and would })robably arrive on Sunday, for their 
assistance. 

This news did not, however, calm the troubled waters. 
It was contended that Sunday would be too late. That the 
enemy by. that time could prowl through the Valley, rob 



41 

and burn their liomes, kill or take captive the women and 
children, drive off tlieir horses and cattle, and destroy- their 
harvests, while they, like base and cowardly- poltroons, were 
standing by with arms in their hands, and sceino- him ,^]o it 
without making an attempt to prevent it. 

Besides, were they to remain wliere they M-ere, or i^^o 
back to the fort and shut themselves up in it, to await de- 
liverance, they had not collected and in store sutlicient pro- 
visions to hold out a long siege, or endure a long delay. 

The discussion Ijecame heated and personal. Charges 
of cowardice were made by Capt. La;^arus Stewart, then a 
private in Capt. McKarrachen's Hanover company, against 
all who opposed advancing,particularly against Col. Butrerthe 
principal commander, who was against an advance, and he 
threatened to report him as such to headquarters. Stewart 
was ordered under arrest by Col. Denison. 

The Hanover company became mutinous . Capt. Mc- 
Karrachen resigned, and the company immediately elected 
Stewart in his place. They now threatened a revolt, unless 
a march should be immediately made against the euemy. 

Col. Dennison, a cool and quiet man, wlio liad taken 
little or no part in the discussion, as yet, urged the pro- 
priety of careful and considerate action, and the^impropriety 
and danger of hasty and inconsiderate action. Thatitwould be 
far better to wait until more was kn(nvn of the number and 
movements of the enemy; that it was hardly possible that 
they would attebipt to overrun the ValKy as nuitters then 
stood ; that a little delay would give them more information 
upon these points, when they could act intelligently, and in 
the meantime, Spaldinrs and Franklin's conTpanies would 
arrive, the latter, certainly. 

These suggestions did not meet tlie teelings and views 
of the men generally They had become warmed up by 
the fiery words of Capt. Stewart, and declared that it would 
be a disgrace never to be forgotten or'forgiven, should they 
remain there, or lie cooped up in the fort, while the enemy 



42 

should devastate the Valley, plunder and burn their homes, 
and then draw ott" with their booty, and the}' too cowardly 
to otter the least resistance. It was therefore determined to 
march, and meet or attack the enemy. 

Those who would be disposed to blame the comman- 
ders of the settlers for jiermittlng th.e decision of the ques- 
tion whether to march or remain in position to be 
made by the rank and tile, should remember that 
the freest Republic existed here, the world has ever known. 
The people were their own rulers, in tlie strictest and fullest 
sense of that term. The}' met in town meeting and dis- 
posed of all their affairs. The town meeting was a legisla- 
tive, judicial and executive body, all in one. There was 
no veto on its enactments ; no appeal from its decisions, and 
no escape from its execution. All were accustomed to take 
part in its deliberations and debates ; all voted on its final 
decisions, and all submitted to its authority. Could they do 
less on this occasion ? It may be objected that this was a 
military body, and as such, ought to have ]>een submissive 
to the commands of its officers. This was not the view they 
took of it. It was oidy a town meeting, met for military 
purposes, in which they all had an equal interest, and from 
the acts of which flowed a common danger or safety. 

When it was decided to advance and attack the enemy, 
Col. Butler discharged Ca]tt. StcA\art from arrest, saying: 

"We will march and meet the enemy, if he is to be 
found, and I will show the men that 1 dare lead where they 
dare follow." 

The ord^r to niarcli was immediately given, and they 
proceeded cautiously on their way as far as the hill, just 
below the monument, whore another halt was made, and 
wliere scouts met them with infoiMuation that the enemy had 
set fire to Wintermoot Fort and were leaving the Valley. 

In confirmation of this report, they pointed out the 
smoke from the fire oi" the bni-iiing fort. 

The men now became eagei- to advance and pursue the 



43 

enemy. Here, Richard Iiiman, one of tlie Hanover men, 
wearied with the long march and the burden he was carry- 
ing, \aj down alongside of a log fence, while they were 
halted, and went to sleep. After a short halt they moved on 
toward Wintermoot Fort, to test the accuracy of the infor- 
mation brought in by the scouts. They advanced to a point 
directly in line with the south-western boundary of the Fair 
ground, where they formed in battle order, their line ex- 
tending from the hill which forms the plain, up in a north- 
western direction, about 1500 or 1600 feet. 

Captains Durkee and Ransom, and Lieutenants Ross 
and -Welles, having no immediate command, were detailed 
to mark off the ground and form the line of battle. 

Their march had been in column along and just on the 
hill mentioned, and on coming up to tlie line marked off, 
the column deployed to the left, and every company took its 
designated station and advanced in line to the proper posi- 
tion, where it halted, the right resting on the liill, the left 
extending to the northwest. 

Yellow and pitch-pine trees, with scrub-oaks about 
breast high, were everywhere over the plain. There were 
very few trees of any size. The Indians were accustomed 
to burn the plain over every year, to make pasture for deer 
and other game, and thus destroyed the growth of trees of 
large size. 

The line was formed with Captain Hewitt's company 
on the right; next,CaptainBidlack's; and next, Captain Geer's. 
Captain Whittlesey's company was placed on the left; next, 
Captain Stewart's, and next Captain Buck's. Captains 
Durkee and Ransom, and Lieutenants Ross, Welles and 
Pierce were assigned positions on the tield, rather as aids 
than commanders. Lieutenant 8toddart Bowen had arrived 
with a few men, from Salem, and they were added to Whit- 
tlesey's company on tWe left. 

Captain Blanchard remained at the Pittston Fort with 
his force. The Indians and Tories had taken possession of 



44 

all the water craft in the upper part of the VuUey, and con- 
SL'(|uent1y Blanchard's company could not get over to join 
our men, had it been prudent and proper for them to have 
(lone so. 

Col. Butler, supported by Major Jonathan Waite Gar- 
ret, assisted by Anderson Dana as adjutant, commanded tlie 
right wirtg. Col. Denison, supported by Lieut.-Colonel 
George Dorrance, commanded the left wing. Such was the 
ground, such the forces, and such the order of battle. 

While these arrangements were being made, scouts 
were coming in bringing information of the movements of 
the enemy. They had succeeded in making their recon- 
noisance to the immediate vicinity of the fort, saw it burn- 
ing, and a few Indians and others lingering near. 

The enemy, in the meantime, had not been idle. From 
their scouts they nad learned the movements and progress 
of the settlers in their march ; had called in their scattered 
forces, particularly those at Jenkins' Fort, and had placed 
them in position to receive the settlers upon their advance. 

Major Butler, Captain -BCTJttmiit and Captain Wm. 
Caldwell, Lieutenant Tumey, with the British, were located 
on the left of their position, from the hill toward the marsh ; 
next, and on their right, were^the Tones, under Captains 
Benjamin and William Pawling and Hopkins; and to the 
right of these were the Indians, under Kayingwaurto, 
Guciugerachton and Thay^^denegea, reaching beyond the 
marsh and <loubling down behind a covert of alders, white 
l)irch and other brush; the whole force being an-anged 
nearly in the form of a crescent. They skulked and hid 
away in the bushes, so that the few who were stirring about 
the open space near the burning fort, were all that could be 
seen. 

After the settlers had formed their line of battle, they 
marched, in single line as formed, liearly a mile, and to 
within I'orty or fifty rods of the fort, their right still resting 
^yn the 'iii.ll, and their left extending about 1600 feet toward 



45 

the marsh, and to within 400 feet of it, where tliey halted 
and sent forward scouts for further reeoiinoisance. On tla' 
advance of the scouts, Indians would pop up, tire at tlieni 
and flee, some in one direction, some in another. 

Here they began to realize the tact, that the enemy 
might be near in sufficient force to make their further 
advance a bloody one, in fact, that a battle was iniiainent. 
They came to a halt. Their officers rode along the line 
informing the men of the situation, and ad(h-essing and 
encouraging them to stand bravely up to the \\^;)rk;. 

Says Col. Butler— 

"The enemy is probably in full force just ahead of us. 
"If 80, we shall have hot work. liemember your homes! 
"Your women and children call on you to protect them from 
"the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savages. Your 
"own fate, as well as that of your women, your children and 
"your homes, is in your hands. Remember the fate of the 
" Hardings and make sure work. Victory is safety I Defeat 
"is death! Let every man do his dutv and all will be 
"well!" 

The line at this point was counted oif into odds and 
evens, from right to left. The advance was made by the 
odds marching forward five steps and halting, and then the 
evens marching ten steps and halting, and so on, alternately, 
each division or section marching ten steps, halting, firing 
and loading, while the other jV^J? going through the same 
exercise, until more than half the distance to what finally 
became the field of battle had been gone over. 

As they advanced in this manner, a number of Indians, 
here and there over the field, would arise, deliver their fire 
and flee before them. The fire would be returned and our 
people would continue to advance. vSoon a squad of British 
arose, delivered their fire and fell back. Our commander 
cries out, " See ! the British retreat! Stand firm and the 
day is ours ! " They continued to advance and soon another 
■squad of British arose, delivered their fire and fell back. 



46 

Again the ciy, "The TJntish retreat ! The day Is ours ! " 

Our men had now arrived at a point Just opposite Win- 
ter! iioot Fort, on their right, and on the edge, in front, of 
the only cleared space on the plain, which was an open field 
oi' three or four acres. They continued their advance slowly 
and cautiously, when tliey soon found the British in full 
force in front, standing u\) to the work, though apparently 
yielding ground. The tiring now became general along the 
lines on both sides. Our people felt they were gaining 
ground and driving the enemy before them. 

Too much attention had been devoted to the movements 
of the British, iu front, to properly observe and understand 
the movements and dangers of the other portions of the 
field. The British lay behind a log fence which ran along 
the upper side of this cleared field down to the foot of the 
hill, at a marshy spot, and were largely concealed and pro- 
tected by it. The Indians, lying behind the marsh, on the 
other side of the field, which ran diagonally across the front 
of our line, and concealed behind its dense shrubbery, had 
not manifested their force on the field, and their location 
was not really known. When the settlers had advanced 
fully into this cleared field, and were, as they supposed, 
driving the enemy before them, the Indians broke from their 
covert and fell u[)on their left, yelling like demons, pouring 
in their fire and pressing to close quarters with the spear 
and tomahawk. 

Their numbers were sufficient not only to outflank the 
left, but to turn it and gain the rear. Col. Denison, on dis- 
covering this movement, at once gave orders for the left to 
fall back, and form an obli(|ue line to the position of the 
right, and thns bring the left into a position to face the 
enemy. 

The order was not fully understood, or was imperfectly 
communicated, and hence the movement was confused. In 
the midst of the noise and confusion, the word oblique was 
understood l)v some to be retreat, and the line was not 



47 

formed, but the left began inovinir in on tlie riglit in a 
broken, confused mass. 

The officers, meantime, made every po>;s\bIe effort to 
have their orders understood, and to restore order and l)rin2; 
the men to face the enemv and stand their ground, but in 
vain. Col. Dorrance fell, severely wounded, while riding 
along the line gallantly laboring in this vain attempt. The 
mistake was a fatal one and could not be retrieved. 

The Indians, meantime, rushed in upon them, yelling, 
brandishing their spears and tomahawks, and the British and 
Tories pressed down upon them in front, pouring in a terrible 
fire. 

Broken, borne down by overvvlielining numl)ers, and 
pressed by an irresistible force,the left gave way and fell back 
on the right. The movement w\as rapid and confused and 
brought confusion on the right. From confusion to disorder, 
from disorder to broken lines, and thence to Hight were but 
steps in regular gradation. The flight became a slaughter, 
the slaughter a massacre. Such was the battle. 

It was impossible that the result of the battle should 
have been different. The enemy were nearly three to one, 
and had the advantage of position. Our men fought bravely, 
but it was of no avail. 

Every Captain fell at his position in the line, and there 
the men lay like sheaves of wdieat after the harvesters. 

Indulge me while I recount to you some of the inci- 
dents of that flight, that slaughter, tliat massacre. 

The flight from the battle-field, a'though confused and 
made under overwhelming pressure, by a furious onslaught 
of the enemy, yet, was not entirely devoid of system. The 
men, generally, gathered in squads, and commenced moving 
off, frequently turning back, like the hunted lion, and hold- 
ing in check their pursuers, by their threatening attitude 
and the mutual support they gave each other. 

On the left, a squad of a dozen or more, unconscious 
of the fatal state of affairs by whicli they were surrounded. 



48 

Olio man niilv, Joliii Caldwell, having fallen in lines, stood 
their ground and loaded and fired, not onl}' after all their 
friends had tied and were gone, but until the enemy had 
passed by them in their pursuit. They eommenced moving 
off the held together, hut one by one broke off, seeking 
safety in separate flight, by hiding in the bushes, and fleeing 
out of the line of pursuit. Part of them were taken pris- 
oners, and with others, to the number of ten, were taken 
about half a mile above the battle-field, about midway be- 
tween Wintermo(^t and Jenkins' Fort, on the top of the 
hill, on the line between Exeter, and West Pittston, near 
the river, where they were put to death with savage 
torture. 

Capt. Blanchard and others, at Pittston, seeing fires 
burning below on the opposite side of the river, went down 
to see what was going on. They beheld a scene of torture 
of the most horrible and revolting character. 

Several naked men were being driven round a stake, 
in the midst of fiames. Their groans and shrieks were 
most }iiteous, while the shrieks and yells of the savages, 
who danced around, urging the vi(^tims on with spears, were 
too horrible to be endured. Tliey were powerless to pre- 
vent or avenge these atrocities, and withdrew, heartsick, 
from the sight of the terrible orgies. 

Among the prisoners was Joseph Elliott, who, seeing 
the horril)le fate that awaited him, if he remained, sprang, 
and ]>rokc through the death circle of the savages, and fled 
to the river and plunged in. When out about twenty rods, 
a ball fnnn his pursuers struck him in the shoulder, wounding 
him slightly. He continued on, crossed the river, and pro- 
ceeded safely to Wilkes-liarre Fort. 

A body of the fugitives surrounded Col. Butler, and 
all moved off together. Another body surrounded Col. 
Denison, and kept together until they reached Forty Fort. 
On their way, with the Indians in hot pursuit, Rufus Ben- 
neit, who held Col. Denison's horse by the tail, and was the 



49 

hindmost of the party, remembered that Richard In man liad 
lain down at the hill, at their second halting place, and not 
gone on with the others. As they came near to where 
Inman lay, Bennett turned his head in that direction and 
saw Inman sitting up, rubbing his eyes. "Is your gun 
loaded, Inman?" "Yes, it is!" "Shoot this Indian!" 
Inman raised his rifle and the foremost Indian, as he passed 
the fence, was shot through the heart. He sprang up, utter- 
ing a fearful yell, and fell prostrate. The other pursuing 
Indians turned and fled hack, leaving the party unmolested. 
Col. Butler repaired to the Wilkes-Barre, or Wyoming- 
Fort. Col. Denison took up his quarters at Forty Fort. 

They at once took all necessary precautions to hold 
their positions and keep safely their inmates tor the nio-ht, 
and until other arrangements could he made for their 
security. 

The men fled generally back to the fort on the route 
they had marched out, or to the river, pursued closely by 
the British, Indians and Tories, and it would be diflicult to 
tell which took most delight in shooting and cutting 
down the fugitives. 'No quarter was granted. All were in- 
discriminately slaughtered, wherever found. It was a dread- 
ful hour. Men seemed transformed into demons. 

Lieut. Elijah Shoemaker, who had fled into the river 
and was quite out of harm's way, was hailed by Windecker, 
a Tory, who had worked for him and received many favors 
at his hands, and requested to come back and put himself 
under Windecker's protection. Shoemaker stopped, hesi- 
tating what course to pursue. "Come out ! Come out !" 
says Windecker. "You know I will protect you !" Shoe- 
maker, trusting to the assurance, came back, and as he ex- 
tended his hand to take Windecker's to help him up the 
bank, Windecker struck his tomahawk into the head of his 
victim, who fell back into the river and floated away. 

Many other fugitives were in like manner lured to 



60 

shore, by promise of quarter or safety, and in like manner 
bhiin, too many to be recounted on this occasion. 

The account of the horrible orgies at what has since 
l>(.'cii known as Queen Esther's Bloody Rock must close 
this part of this most bloody event. 

On the evening of the battle, sixteen of the prisoners 
taken on the field uf battle and in the fiight, under promise 
of ([uarter, were collected together by their savage captors 
around a rock, near the brow of the hill, at the southeast 
of the village of Wyoming, and a little more than a mile 
from the field of action. The rock at that time was about 
two feet higli on its eastern front, with a surface four or five 
feet square, running back to a level with the ground and 
beneath it at its western extremity. The prisoners were 
arranged in a ring around this rock, and were surrounded 
with a body of about two hundred savages, under the lead- 
ership and inspiration of Queen Esther, a fury in the form 
of woman, who assumed the oflice of executioner. The 
victims, one at a time, were taken from the devoted circle 
and led to the east front of the rock, Avhere they were made 
to sit down. They were then taken by the hair and their 
heads pulled back on the rock, when the bloody Queen 
Esther, with death-maul would dash out their brains. The 
savages, as each victim Avas in this manner immolated, would 
dance around in a ring, holding each others' hands, shout- 
ing and hallooing, closing with the death-whoop. In this 
manner fourteen of the party had been put to death. The 
fury of the savage Queen increased with the work of blood. 
Seeing there was no other way or hope of deliverance, Leb- 
bens Hammond, one of the prisoners, in a fit of despera- 
tion, with a sudden spring, broke through the circle of 
Indians and fled toward the mountain. Rifles cracked ! 
Tomahawks flew I Indians yelled ! But Hammond held 
on his course for about fifty rods, when he stumbled and 
fell, but sprang up again. Stopping for a moment to listen, 
he lomul his [)ursuers on each side of him, or a little ahead. 



51 

running and yelling like demons. He stepped behind a 
large pine tree to take breath, when, rejecting tliat liis 
pursuers being already ahead of him, he would gain noth- 
ing by going on in that direction, he turned and ran for tlie 
river in such a course as to avoid the party around the fatal 
rock, and yet to keep an eye on them. He passed by with- 
out being seen, went down and plunged into tlie high grass 
in the swampy ground at the foot of the hill, where he 
remained concealed for about two hours, watching the move- 
ments and listening to the yells of his savage pursuers. He 
finally crawled out of his concealment, cautiously made his 
way to the river, and thence down to the fort. 

Let us go back to the battle-field. On the fatal left we 
find only the body of John Caldwell, of Captain Whittle- 
sey's company. He was killed by the first fire of the Indi- 
ans ; in fact they fired but once, and dropping their guns 
rushed in with spears and tomahawks. Not a living, breath- 
ing soul is found on the field. All who had not been able 
to fly, except Col. Dorrance, were put to death and scalped. 
The wounded were killed where they lay, or were dragged 
to the burning fort and thrown upon the fire, pierced and 
held on with spears. They plead in most piteous terms to 
be spared, but they appealed to hearts of adamant, that 
rejoiced in their sufferings and laughed at their merciful 
supplications. 

The body of Captain Ransom, who was a fleshy man, 
was lying near the fort ; his thigh was split with a knife all 
around from the knees to the hips. Captain Buck was lying 
by his side, his head cut off. Captain Bidlack lay a short 
distance oft'; he had been held on a fire in a heap of old 
logs and brush and burned to death. All were shockingly 
mutilated. It was a terrible sight. The stench from the 
burning bodies polluted the atmosphere with its noisome 
odor. 

Night came, but it did not put an end to the work of 
death. All through its dark shadows, the Indians and 



52 

Tories, like beasts of prey, prowled along the line of flighty 
luinting out those who had concealed themselves, slaying 
tliem on the spot, and tearing oif their reeking scalps, or 
capturing and reserving them for torture. 

To those who were in the forts, and those who had 
escaped the pursuit of the murderous savages, that was a 
night of consternation, of alarm, and of terrible agony. 

The shrill whoop of the Indians, mingled with the yells 
and hootings of the Tories and British, as they gathered 
near, proclaimed a fate as horrible to the survivors, as that 
of any who had fallen into their hands. All through the 
night was heard the voice of lamentation for the fate of hus- 
bands, fathers, sons, brothers and friends, who had fallen 
by the hands of the enemy; and weeping and wailing for 
tribulation, danger and death, that seemed to await them on 
the morrow. To the survivors it was "a night long to be 
remembered," never to be forgotten. 

The morning of the 4th dawned amid the deepest sor- 
row and the most gloomy forebodings. Wliichever way the 
afflicted people turned their eyes, death stared them in the 
face. The victorious foe seemed but to have whet their 
appetite for blood by the carnival of the preceeding day and 
night. They spread themselves everywhere throughout the 
Valley, and their pathway was marked by the shrieks of 
falling victims, tho conflagration of their dwellings, and the 
destruction of their teeming harvests. 

Al)out eight o'clock in the morning. Major Butler des- 
patched a messenger with a flag to Forty Fort, requesting 
Col. Dcnison to come up to headquarters and agree on terms 
of capitulation. lie went, accompanied by Obadiah Gore, 
P]sq., and Dr. Lemuel Gustin. A demand was made for the 
delivering up of all Continental troops, as prisoners of war, 
epecially naming Col. Z. Butler, Lieut. J. Jenkins and the 
remains of Hewitt's company. Denison desired time to 
consult, which was given. It was determined that these 
parties should at once leave the Valley, and the capitulation 



53 

should be only for the inhabitants. Col. Butler at onco lied 
across the mountains to the Lehigh, and Hewitt's company 
fled down the river. 

Terms were agreed upon, on a renewal of negotiations, 
in all respects favorable to the inhabitants, excejtt that it 
provided, "that the property taken from the people called 
" Tories, up the river, be made good ; and they to remain in 
"peaceable possession of their farms." This was the only 
provision against the settlers and in fiv.)r of tlie enemy, or 
any part of them. 

"Nevertheless," says Col. Denison, "the enemy, being 
powerful, proceeded, plundered, burned and destroyed 
almost everything that was valuable; murdered several of 
the remaining inhabitants, and compelled most of the re- 
mainder to leave their settlements, nearly destitute of cloth- 
ing, provisions and the necessaries of life." 

William Gallop, on oath in the case of Van Horn vs. 
Dorrance, says : 

"We were not to be plundered, but they plundered us 
of everything. They kept us three or four days, then told 
us to go. One hundred and eighty women and children, 
accompanied by only thirteen men, went together. They 
suffered extremely, all on foot, barefoot, bareheaded, in 
great want of provisions. Two women were delivered in 
the woods. Those of the men who had been in the battle 
made their escape before the fort surrendered, as the enemy 
said they would kill all that had been in the battle. The 
savages burnt all our improvements ; scarcely a house left 
that was valuable. About twni hundred men were then ab- 
sent, serving in the Continental army. 

The greater part of the men, women and children had 
fled east and down the river on the night of the massacre. 
Crossing the river at Forty Fort, they [)lunged into the wil- 
derness and made their way to the mountains. Many iled 
on the night of the 4th. 

The number of fugitives fleeing east from the Valley 



54 

was about two thousand. The savages, finding the}' had 
fled, pursued them. Many were sUiin by tlie pursuing sav- 
ages in their flight, some died of excitement and fatigue, 
others of liunger and exposure, wliile many were lost who 
never found their way out. Hundreds were never seen 
again after they turned tlieir l)acks on Wyoming. By 
what sufi:ering8 and torture they died tlie world will never 
know. 

On their way was a long and dreary swamp to be trav- 
ersed by them, which, on account of the number who fell 
and perished in its mire and among its thorny brambles, was 
called "The Shades of Death." 

On the evening of tlie 5th, the advance party fell in 
with Capt. Spalding's company, at Bear Swamp. On the 
the morning of the 6th, Lieut. Jenkins joined the company 
and they continued their march toward Wyoming. When 
they arrived on the top of the mountains, within sight of 
the afflicted valley, they halted and sent out parties to pro- 
tect the fugitives ajid drive back the pursuing savages. 
They remained here engaged in this work for two or three 
days, when they fell into the rear of the fugitives, scatter- 
ing themselves through the woods, picking up those vvdio 
had fallen by the way, exhausted from hunger and fatigue, 
giving them food, and encouraging and helping forward the 
women and children. 

But for the timely aid thus furnished, many, very many, 
would have perished, who passed through the wilderness in 
safety. 

The number slain in the battle and massacre has been 
variously stated. It may be put down at 300. Those who 
perished in the wilderness may be put at 200 ; making 
a total of 500, in the battle, massacre and flight. 

Major John Butler, in his report, says 227 scalps were 



55 . 

taken at Wyoming. Many were shot in the river, whose 
scalps were not obtained. 

NUMBER OF THE SLAIN. 

As the exact number of the slain is a matter of ffreat 
doubt, I give the numbers as stated by various parties who 
may be presumed to know somewhat about it. 

Major John Butler says 227 seilps were taken; Col. 
Zeb. Butler says 200, about ; Lieut. Jolin Jenkins says 300, 
and a number of officers ; Col. N". Donison says 268 privates, 
1 colonel, 2 majors, 7 captains, lo lieutenants, 11 ensigns; 
Captain John Franklin, 204 ; Isaac A. Chapman, 300 ; Hon. 
. David Scott, 300; T. F. Gordon, 330; Rev. James May, 
300; George Grant, 300 ; Dr. David R;iinsay, 360 ; B irtram 
Galbraith, Jr., 340 ; Abram Scott, 340 ; Col. W.L.Stone, 
300; Dr. Geo. Peck, over 200; Charles Miner, 160; Col 
Pickering, 170. • 

The story of the sad fate of Col. Dorrance remains to 
be told. On the 4th, as the victors were moving down to 
Forty Fort, to avail themselves of the full fruits of their vic- 
tory,the captors of Col. Dorrance, two Indians, started to take 
him down to that post. Being an offi.eer of prominence, 
dressed in a new uniform, with new sword and equipments, 
he had been spared when the slaughter of the wounded on 
the battle field had taken place, under the idea that more 
could be obtained for his ransom tlian could be made from 
his slaughter. About a mile from the lield he beca.ne 
exhausted, and was' unable t.> proaea 1 farther. W!i it to do 
with him was a matter of pressing inquiry witli the savages. 
Behind them was a desolation, ahead, new fields of plunder. 
To remain where they were and take c.ire of their prisoner 
was out of the question. Stepping aside they held a short 
consultation. Returning, they put hi in to death, one takin^j 
his scalp and sword, the other his coat and cocked hit wltli 
feather. The latter at once doffed his own habil iments and 
donned the coat and hat of their victim, in all el-^e h^^in^ in 
piiris naturalihas, and thus proceeded to the fort with his 



5G 

companion. Gaily and proudly as the veriest dandy in new 
toggery, he strutted about and through the fort, before, as 
he supposed, an admiring audience. He took particular 
pains to exhibit himself to Mrs, Dorrance, who sat grieving 
over the sad fate of her husband. Ludicrous and comical 
as the sight would be as a comedy, it was a sad and mourn- 
ful one as part of a bloody trairedy. 

1 have thus gone over the leading events connected with 
the Battle and Massacre of Wyoming, as we have learned 
it from our ancestors, and it may appear to some to be but a 
one-sided story, told with the views and in the interests of 
that side only. 

Deeming it but fair and proper that both sides should 
be heard here to-day, I will give you the story, as written 
by a historian on the other side. 

I will quote from Capt. Alexander Patterson's petition 
to the Legislature of Pennsylvania, in 1804. 

"Li the year 1770, there were a number of inhabitants, 
" settlers on the north-east branch of the Susquehanna, near 
" Wyalusing, under the Pennsylvania title. Amongst these 
" were tw6 brothers b}' the name of Pawling, of a respecta- 
" ble family from the county of Montgomery. They had 
" paid one thousand pounds in gold and silver for their farm 
"at Wyalusing, unto Job Gilaway, a useful, well-informed 
" Indian, who had obtained a grant for said land from the late 
" proprietors of this State. Among the settlers were the 
" xMessrs. Secord, Depew,Vanderlip,and many others, weathy 
" farmers. The Yankees at Wyoming being more ijumer- 
" ous, and tiiough at the distance of sixty miles, insisted 
" that the Pennsylvania settlers should come to Wyoming 
" and train and associate under Yankee officers of their own 
." appointment. As may be supposed, the proposals were 
" very obnoxious to tlie inliabitants of Pennsylvania, and very 
"properly refused, alleging tliey would associate by tlieni- 
*' selves and would not be commanded by intruders, who had 
" 80 repeatedly sacked the well disposed inhabitants of 



57 



" Pemisylvama, and at that time bid defiance tc. its laws 
" and jurisdiction. Tliis gave a pretext to the Yankees for 
" calling them Tories. They therefore went in force and 
" tied the Pennsylvania settlers, and brought them to Wy- 
" oming, with all their moveables, and confimMl them in a log 
"honse^until the Indians who lived in the neighboi-hood of 
" Wyalusing— and loved the Pcnnsyl vanians, and at that time 
" were weiraffected to the United Stated— some of whom 
"had joined our army." 

"These Indians came to Wyoming and requested that 
the Pennsylvania people sliould be released from confine- 
ment. After some altercation, and the Indians declaring 
they would complain to Congress, they were released, and 
on their return, without property, were ambushed and fired 
upon by the Yankees. The event of all this was that the 
Pennsylvania people were so harrassed by the intruders, 
that they were driven to seek an asylum with the Indians, 
and at length retired to Niagara for protection. It was well 
known at the time, on the frontiers of Northumberland and 
Northampton counties, that the conduct of these Yankees 
occasioned the secession of the Five Nations from tlie United 
States. 

As was natural to imagine, those Pennsylvania settlers 
who had been so cruelly robbed of their property would en- 
deavor to regain it. Their address and moving complaints 
induced Jos^eph Brant, a well-known Indian chief, and a 
Col. Butler, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, to come with 
them to Wyoming with a number of Indians, for the recov- 
ery of their property, goods and chattels. 

The party arrived at a place called Abraham's Plains, 
about five miles above Wyoming. The Yankees were ap- 
prised of their being at that place, and must needs go and 
fight them, led on by the old murderer, Lazarus Stewart, 
first having drank two barrels of whiskey b^ stimulate their 
spirits. They marched in riot, with drums beating and 
colors flying. The result was that a number of them was 



58 

killed. Those who asked quarter were humanely treated, 
nor was a woman or child molested, only enjoined to leave 
the country to the rightful owners. Surely there was no 
propriety in calling that transaction a massacre or murder. 
The wretches brought it upon themselves, and so be it." 

In another petition, presented by Patterson to the 
Pennsylvania Legislature, August 27, 1784, he says : 

"The Connecticut settlers continued to harrass and dis- 
tress all those who had the honesty to declare they held 
their lands under this State, with vexatious suits and fines 
insupportable, until many of the unhappy suflerers, cut oif 
from every support from this State, grew desperate, joined 
the savages, and in revenge, deluged Abraham's Plains with 
blood." 

Benjamin Pawling, in a letter dated at Niagara, in 1784, 
to Edward Bartholomew, at Philadelphia, states that the 
Pennsylvania claimants were the people that cut off the 
Connecticut settlers, at Wyoming. 

I will call one more witness — 

Col. Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain. New 
York, 10th Sept., 1778. 
No. 9. Extract. 

* * " Your Lordship will have learned, before this can 
reach you, of the successful incursions of the Indians and 
loyalists from the northward. In conformity to the 
instructions I conveyed to my officers, they assembled their 
forces early in May, and one division, under one of my dep- 
uties (?^lr. Butler), proceeded with great success down the 
Susquehanna, destroying the posts and settlements at 
Wyoming, augmenting their nuTubers with many loyal- 
ists, and alarming all the country ; whilst another division, 
untler Mr. Brandt, the Indian chief,cutoff 294 men near Scho- 
harie, and destroyed the adjacent settlements, with several 
magazines, from whence the rebels had derived great 
resources, thereby attbrding encouragement and opportunity 
to many friends of government to join them." * * 

These 294 scalps of men cut off by Mr. Butler and the 



59 

chief, Brandt, and their associates, and sold in the British 
market, were gathered on the following Holds : 

Cobleskill, - - . _ . 22 

West Branch of Snsquehanna, - 45 

Wyoming, - - - - . 227 

294 

It is said by some that Brandt was not at Wyoming. 
The story as told by both sides is that he was. 

If these be not the fields wherein were harvested and 
prepared for the British market these 294 scalps of hmnan 
victims, please tell me from what fields they were gathered. 
The number is sure to be correct, for the report comes from 
the purchaser, a high dignitary of the British crown, a 
wholesale dealer in the article, for which he paid $2940 in 
British gold and silver. A few more may have been gath- 
ered and lost by the wayside, but this was the number taken 
to market. At ten dollars each they were too valuable to 
be counted loosely. The number agrees with the stumps 
upon the ground in these localities. Until we know better 
we must accept the story as told by both sides at the time 
of the transaction. 

Truth and justice require that another fict, which has 
been omitted, should be told at this time. So fixr as known 
to the people here, not a woman or child was slain by the 
enemy in the Valley. How many, if any, were slain by 
them in the woods and mountains, whitlier they pursued 
them, was never known. 

There was no shutting up of whole families in their 
houses, and then fire set to them and the whole consumed 
together. ISTo slaughter of whole families, men, women and 
children, in that or any other way. The wickedness and 
devihshness of the savage horde needed not tliat extent of 
atrocity to make them execrated throughout tlie civilized 
world. 

The humane in England, of every degree, " reprobated, 
" in strong terms, the circumstances attending tlie destruc- 
" tion of several parts of America, particularly of the set- 



*' tlemeiit of Wyoming, and tlie cruelties exercised by Cot 
" Butler and his savage horde." (See Dodslej^'s Annual 
Register, 1770, p. 91.) 

TlIP] FRATRICIDE. 
The story of the fratricide, as told in our histories^ 
Avouhl socni to he disproved b}'- the following document, on 
tile in the State Department of Connecticut, at Hartford. 
Doc. 133 

To the Honorable General Assembly of the State of Con- 
necticut, or in their recess, to his Excellency, the Gov- 
ernor, and Council of Safety of said State — 
The memonal of the subscribers sheweth, That your 
Honors' memorialists enhsted into the service of this State, 
in ye Continental army, under Captains Strong and Judd, 
in ye year 1777; that we cheerfully went out into ye service 
of our country, leaving our families in this town;" that in 
ye yr. 1778 the enemy destroyed this place, as j^our Honors 
xVell know, but by special favor of his Excellency, General 
Washington, we have since that time been continued here, 
where we have done duty under ye command of Captain 
Simon Spalding, who is now, by a late resolve of ye Conti- 
nental Congress, ordered to leave this garrison, where some 
of our families are, and all of us are inhabitants of this town 
which IS a frontier, and are daily exposed to ye ravages of 
ye enemy, where our families must either be left or removed 
out into ye country or cam}> Wherefore your Honors' 
memorialists humbly beg leave to lay this our state and 
condition before your Honors, that your Honors in your 
great goodness will order that we may be discharged from 
our enlistment, that we may, without expense to the State, 
support ourselves and families, and that in wisdom your 
Honors interpose in our behalf, or some way grant relief ^ 
and we, a^ in duty bouiul^^ will ever prav. 

JOHN RYON, 
LEMUEL WHITMAN, 
JOHN JACKSON, 
JOHN OAKLEY, 
JOHN PLATMORE, 
JOHN l^ENCIL. 
Westm'or'eland, ye 2!8d day of January, 1781. 

ENDORSED. 

Th« withiw ivs a true Fopresentation of facts, and we,tlve" 



ei 



^.,l«eriboi- be- leave to request yom- Honors tlial iWs 
^enm^'n'J-be grantcl, as these "-" -- S-' J""^- 

^-'^' -^t:ft ^f ^^i^^n^rs^nh^vrrl:;;^;!:::!. ye ;^- 

S i^rtorthS Stat'c for if this ,ownl,c notag^ 

destroyed by ye enemy, we hope, in a few years, to be ab e 
to thir a i^ulerabfe s.m %^^ "^^y^^^ZZ^t^ 
State, and make some retnrns for your ."°»"' ^f'^;;'; =,^,45. 
ness in granting so many 01 our requests. And you, petr 
tioners, as in duty bound, ^^^^-^}:^,,. 

J AUKS NESBIT, V Selectmen. 

JABEZ STLL, j 

Wp«tmoreland, 2Bd January, 1781. . , , ■. . 

^ Sed at\ho particular request of ye mkabitant. 

The allegation is that John Vvndl killed Ins brothei, 
Henry, on Monockonoek Ishuul, after the battle _ 

The .tory of the battle, the nu.ssa.re and flight ha e 
been briefly told. I shall now proceed to dispose of the 
.ral aciors in them, who survived, and tnen mv ta>k 



scvei 



will be completed. -• i ^ 

Major Butler, on the nvorning of the th, received a 
letter from a messenger. He at once ealle.1 his otfa.e^ and 
tlie Indian chiefs armuul liim an<l read its contents. lie a<|. 
"essed them earnestly, and at the conclusion t'^y S--- 
gi-eat shout. He at once i-reparcd to leave the Val eys and 
'set out by way of the Lackawanna, accomvanicd by B.an 
^:L <^mnLd. They gained ^"e ^-f*-- »;, ^^f 
Bend, from which point Brant continued on to Un i U, 
^vher; he is found on the 9th. -.v.-iting to i>ersi te, Gau tot 
■corn. Gucingerachton and Kayifigwaurto went up the bu,- 
-cpiehanna, accomjianicd by the Tories. ^ f„„itives 

Ca.pt. Spalding's company, accampan.ed the fngituc. 
flvino- east as t\,r as Strou.lsburg, where the,,' remained untd 
' « August, when they rc.unied to the Yalley. acconr- 
mied by mSiy of the fugitives. They took pos^ess.o,, 
Ld held it till the close of the "^'-V"*",^,';:'^,^' ;^^ 
although often assailed, and many ot them killed oi t.ikc« 

iprisoners. 



62 

Tlio dead, who had fallen on the fatal 3d, remanied un- 
buried until the 22d of October. On the preceding day the 
following order was issued : 

"'Camp Westmoreland, Oct. 21, 1778. 

Ordered, That there be a party, consisting of a Lieuten- 
ant, two sergeants, two corporals and twenty-five men, to 
]3arade to-morrow morning, with arms, as a guard to those 
who will go to bury the remains of the men who were 
killed at the late battle, at and near the place called Win- 
termoot Fort." 

In pursuance of this order, Lieut. John Jenkins, on the 
morning of the 22d, took charge of a party and went forth 
on the mournful duty assigned them. They took with them 
two carts, some shovels and some two-tined wooden forks. 
The weather having been dry for some time after the battle, 
the bodies had dried and shriveled up so that few could be 
recognized. They had become so light that two men, one 
at the head and the other at the knees, could take a body up 
on their forks and toss it into the cart without difficulty. 
Passing along up from Fort}' Fort they had reached but 
little more than half way to the field of conflict before their 
carts were full. They then stopped and dug a hole in the 
earth, to bury them. After putting in what bodies they 
had, they found the hole still capal)le of holding more. 
They therefore proceeded on to the battle-field and gathered 
up all they could find there and on the way, and hauled 
them all to this spot, making for them one common grave. 
It was well it was so done, for they went out and fell to- 
gether in the same glorious cause, and in death they should 
not have been divided. 

After they had deposited all that could readily be found, 
they closed the grave and left them to their rest, where they 
remained until the 4th of July, 1832, when they Avere ex- 
humed for the purpose of erecting a monument to their 
memory, which it is gratifying to record has been done. 
What bodies were not found and buried on that day in that 
grave, were afterwards l)uried wlien discovered, on the spot 



63 

where they lay. The nmiiber buried at that time, where 
the monument now stands, was 96 — 60 of whom were from 
the battle-field, the rest on the line of flight. 

You ask, did this terrible atrocity go unavenged? 
Was no effort made to punish its perpetrators ? 

I answer, it was avenged. How, I will briefly narrate. 
Upon the reception of the horrible tidings from Wy- 
oming, Washington directed Col. Thomas Hartley to form a 
rendezvous, gather troops and move against the invaders on 
their own ground. At the same time, Col. William Butler, 
of the 4th Pennsjdvania regiment, was ordered from Fort 
Stanwix to go down and form a junction witli Col. Hartley, 
at Tioga, and together operate against the enemy. Col. 
Hartley went as flir as Tioga, took some Indians prisoners, 
burnt Queen Esther's town and palace, and destroyed Tioga ; 
but Col. Butler did not appear to join him. He returned 
to Wyoming. On his way he was attacked by a consider- 
able body of Indians, between Wyalusing and Laceyville, 
on Indian Hill, and quite a sharp fight was had. The In- 
dians were beaten and fled, leaving ten of their number dead 
on the field. Col. Butler mistook his way. He went down 
the head waters of the Delaware, instead of the Susque- 
hanna. Discovering his mistake, he struck across to the 
Susquehanna, but too late to co-operate with Col. Hartley. 
He, however, destroyed the Indian castles and villages in 
the neighborhood of Unadilla, up and down the river. 

This, however, was more than balanced by the massacre 
of Cherry Valley, on the 11th of November, following. 

The whole country had now become aroused to the ter- 
rible state of aftairs on the frontiers, and vigorous and 
ample means for subduing these inhuman monsters were 
demanded on all hands. Accordingly an expedition against 
them was devised during the winter of 1778-9, and set in 
motion in the following spring. This expedition was put in 
charge of Major-General John Sullivan, who marched into 
the Indian country as far as the Genesee river. He met 



6i 

the enemy in several pitched battles, the most important of 
whicli was at T^cwtown, and defeated them in alL He 
destroyed forty of their villages and towns, with 160,000 
bushels of corn, and devastated their whole country along 
the line of march. Among the slain in a battle at Chemnng 
was Kayingwanrto, one of the chiefs who led the Indians at 
"Wj'oming. Tliis expedition, while inflicting serious injury 
upon them in the destruction of their homes and means of 
subsistence, as well as by their utter demoralization as a 
warlike force, was not so seriouslj' destructive to them in the 
loss of life, as the results which flowed from it. By the 
destruction of their toAvns and crops they were thrown 
completely on the hands of the British, who were compelled 
to take them in and provide for them at Niagara. 

The ensuing winter was one of great rigor and severity. 
The snow fell early and to a great depth, as much as eight 
feet, and remained upon the ground all winter. The cold 
was intense and continuous, so that it was quite impossible 
to travel or get about. Shut up inf narrow quarters, and fed 
on salt provisions^ the scurvy broke out among them^ and a 
large number died. They never recovered from these com- 
plicated calamities, and the once mighty Indian confederacy 
melted away with the opening of spring, and ceased, from 
that time forth, to be a power of any consequence or impor- 
tance in the contest in which they had previously acted such 
a conspicuous and terrible part. 

The haughty and chivalric spirit of this splendid race of 
savages, whose skill and eloquence in council, and whose 
mighty conquests and long-continued domination over sur- 
rounding tribes attracted the attention and won the admira- 
tion of the enlightened world, seemed to have been worthy 
of a better fate, but the degrading and demoralizing influ- 
ence of association with the British and Tories, dragged 
them down to the lowest depths of depravity and terminated 



65 

tlieir career amidst the execrations of man kiiKl, with none 
to monrn their unhappy cn(L 

How was it witli Great Britain ? 

The British government, from the time when the news 
of the terrible atrocities committed at Wyoming reached 
that country, had all tho moral power of her people ag;vinst 
her in a further prosecution of the war. The opposition 
became strong and zealous, and it was with difficulty sup- 
plies were obtained for that purpose. Tlie war lingered 
alono- w^ithout moral force or power for some years, became 
a scheming witli treason and a work for incendiaries, and 
finally resulted in a glorious victory for the Americans, and 
an io-nominious defeat of the British, who lost not only all 
they had fought for, but thirteen of the brightest jewels 
from their imperial diadem. 

The Tories fled to Canada, losing everything, gaining 
nothing but an immortality of infamy. 

The conquered and the slain, and their descendants, 
how is it with them ? 

They arose from this holocaust of blood and flame with 
renewed hfe and vigor. They built up the waste places, 
cleared away the forests, erected homes, established institu- 
tions, embellished this beautiful Valley, and have grown to 
be what you see them around you here to-day, and, perchance, 
may see to-morrow. 

The nation they fought and sacrificed and died to estab- 
lish, is great and miajhty, the home of freemen, the abode 
of liberty. In all that enriches and ennobles mankind, in 
all that honors and dignifies a nation, she stands without a 
peer. Steam navigation, the telegraph, phonograph, tele- 
phone, microphone, electric pen, and other wonders in 
science and in practical life, have been invented and wrought 
out by the genius and skill of her people. They have given 



66 

a mighty impetus to the human mind, and wiped out all the 
bounds that have hitherto been set to control its onward 
progress. The dark, tlie stone, the brazen, the silver, the 
goklen, tlie iron, and all other ages have been swept away 
and superseded by the electric, or lightning age, and this 
ffi^eat and mio-htv people have realized in themselves the 
mythological Jupiter Tonas of the ancients, grasping and 
wielding the lightnings of heaven, though directing them 
to bless instead of curse mankind. 



MASSACRE OF AVYOMING. 

BY STEUBEN JENKINS. 

Head at Monument, 3d July, 1S7S. 

To rid us of a tyrant's chain 
Our fatliers fell; and not in vain 
They marched to battle and were slain, 
And with their blood bedewed this plain; 
They fought for home and liberty. 

A British— Tory— Savnge band 
Had come to desolate their land ; 
Should they like cowards ily ? or stand 
And meet th' invaders hand to hand 

And drive them back if that they may? 

Like freemen, valiant, true and brave, 
They marcii to victory or the grave. 
While at tneir head their banners wave. 
And from their God tlicy blessings crave. 
To guide them on to'victory. 

They met in battle's stern array. 
Dire was the conrtict, dire the day ; 
Borne down by odds, in short sharp fray, 
The gallant patriot band gave way. 
And tied from horrid slaughtering. 

Th' invading host was fierce and strong, 
They swift pursued the flying throng. 
They swept the plain, they passed along 
And killed oy captured old and young; 
The living saved for torturing. 

They gave no quarter, spared no life 
Of iill, who, in tlie battle's strife, 
Had fought for home, for children, wife— 
With spear, and tornaliawk, and liiiife. 
They gave them o'er to butchery. 

While time shall in full torrent swell. 
Queen Esther's blood.v rock shall tell 
Of demon orgies, Indian yell, 
That stunned the victims ere they iiimy fell 
On that dread night of massacre. 

Nations and people all unite 
To damn the deeds done that dread night 
On tortured men, homes blazing l)right, 
And call on God to curse and blight 
The cause that works such infamy. 

But few of that heroic band. 
Who marched th' invaders to withstand, 
And save from ruin their loved land. 
Survived the battle's bloody brand 
To see their country's victory. 

A hundred years have rolled away 
Since on that sad, ill-fated da.y. 
Our fathers fell in bloody fray"; 
And we are gathered here to pay 
Due honors to their memory. 

They who beneath these tablets lie, 
This lesson tauglit posterity: 
'Tis sweet and glorious to die 
For country, home and liberty. 
Yea, sweeter far that slavery. 

Then let us, o'er their honored grave, 
The glorious flag of freedom wave ! 
Keep green the memory of the brave ! 
Wave, freemen! all your banners wave! 
In honor of their memory. 



BATa^LE OF WYOMING. 



liY STEUBEN JENKINS. 



Strike the lyre in warning strain ! 
Wake tlie hearts of daring men ! 
Bid tlioni for their country stand, 
(iiiai'd Uu'ir liomes and cherished land! 
Tyrants trampling on their rights, 
Savage hordes whose presence blights, 
March their homes to desolate ; 
Bid them rise ere yet too late ! 

Btrike the lyre in martial strain! 
Rouse to action valiant men ! 
See ! they meet in battle's shock, 
Meet as waves meet frowning rock ! 
Crushed beneath o'erwhelming force. 
Carnage marks their flight's fell course. 
Three to one the forces prove, 
Three opposed to one we love. 

Strike the lyre in mournful strain ! 
Let it peal a sad refrain ! 
Let its notes a requiem prove 
O'lM' the graves of those we love. 
Martyrs for our liberty ! 
Dying that we might be free ! 
Honored be the patriot dead! 
Glorious be their gory bed ! 

Strike the lyre in .joyful strain ! 

Strike, O, strike it yet again ! 

Let its Joyful tones resound! 

Let it echo all around ! 

P.id it tell of glorious deeds ! 

Bid it tell how freedom .speeds! 

Tell what VBica± gallant men have done! 

Tell how liberty was won! 

Strike the lyre in dulcet strain ! 
Strike: for all good-willing men ! 
Fruitful blessings on each hand 
Flow throughout our happy land. 
Perfect love in full accord. 
Peace and plenty crown the board ! 
AH from bondage now are free! 
All rejoice in Liberty! 



(Inscription on front tablet of Monument.) 

Near this spot was fought, 
on the afternoon of Friday, the third day of July, 1778, 

THE BATTLE OF WYOMING, 

In which a small body ot patriotic Americans, 

chiefly the inidisciplined, the youthful and the aged, 

spared, by inefficiency, from the distant ranks of the Republic, 

led by Col. Zebulon Butler and Col. Nathan Denison, 

with a courage that deserved success, 

boldly met and bravely fought 

a combined British, 'Tory and Indian force, 

of thrice their number. 

Numerical superiority alone gave success to the invader, 

and wide-spread havoc, desolation and ruin, 

marked his savage and bloody .footseps through the Valley. 

THIS MONUMENT, 

commemorative of these events, 
and of the actors in them, 

has been erected 

over the bones of the slain, 

By their descendants, and others, who gralefuUy appreciated 

the services and sacrifices of their patriotic ancestors. 



(Inscn'jition on right and left sides.) 

„^CE ET DECOKUM EST P A T R ,., „^^^ 

SLAIN IN BATTLE, 



FIELD Ol'TICKKS. 



Lt.-Col. Csoi-go Dorrance, 



Major Jonathan Waite Garrett. 



CAPTAIN'S. 



James Bidlack, jr., 
Aholiab I5uck, 
Robert Dyu-lcee,^ . ^ 

A. Atherton, 
Aaron Gaylord. 
Perrin Ross, 
Lazarus Stewart, jr., 



Jeremiah Bigford, 
Silas Gore, 



LIEUTENANTS, 



Jabcz Atherton, 
Christopher Avery 
Ackke, 

A. Benedict, 
Jabez Beers. 
Samuel Bigford, 
David Bixby, 
Elias Bixby, 
John Boyd, 
John Brown, 
Thomas Brown, 
William Buck, 
Josepli Bud<i, 
Amos Bullock, 
Asa Bullock, 
Henrv Bush, 
Enos Broekway, 

John Caldwell, 
Josiah Carman, 
Joseph Carey, 
Joel Church, 
William Cotferin, 
James CoMerin, 
Samuel Cole, 
Isaac Campbell, 
Campbell, 
Robert Comstock, 
Kingsley Comstock, 

( Cook, 
Brothers -< Cook, 

( Cook, 
Christopher Courtright, 
John Courtright, 
Anson Corey, 
Jenks Corey, 
Rufus Corey, 
Joseph Croi;kcr, 
Samuel Crocker, 

Jabez Darling, 



Rezin Geer, 
Dethick Hewitt, 
Wm. McKarrachen, 

Flavins Waterman, 
Stoddart Bowen, 
Timothy Peirce, 

ET!J3IGNS. 

Jonathan Otis, 
Asa Gore, 

FKIVATES, 

D. Denton, 
Anderson Dana, 
Conrad Davenport, 
George Downing, 
James Deviue, 
Levi Dunn, 
William Duitu, 

Ducher, 

Benjamin Finch, 
Daniel Finch, 
John Finch, 
Klisha Fish, 
Cornelius Fitchett, 
Kliplialet Foilett, 
Thomas Foxen, 
.Tolni Franklin, 
Stephen Fuller, 
Thomas Fuller. 

George Gore, 

Gardner, 
Green, 

Benjamin Hatch, 
Wiliiaui Hammond, 
Si his Harvey, 
Sauiuel nnt('hinson, 
Cvpii.'Ui Hebard, 
lA'vi Hicks, 
Jolin Ilutchins, 
•James Hopkins, 
Nathaniel Howard, 



Elijah Inman, 
Israel Inman, 

Samuel Jackson, 
Rol)ert Jameson, 
Joseph Jennings, 
Henry Johnson, 



Samuel Ransom, 
Laza,rus Stewart, 
James Wigton. 



Elijali Shoemaker,, 
Asa Stevens, 
James Welles. 



Titus Hinman, 
William White. 



.Toshua Landon, 
Daniel r.awreMce, 
William Lawrence, 
Francis Ledyard, 
James Lock, 
Conrad Lome, 
Jacob Lome, 
William Lester, 

C. McCartee, 
Nicholas Manville, 
Jsero Matthewson, 
Alexander McMillan. 
•Job Alarsliall, 
Andrew.Millard, 
John Murphy, 
Kol)ert Mclntire, 

Joseph Ogden, 

Al)el Palmer, 
Silas Parke, 
William Parker, 
John Pierce, 
Henry Pencil, 
Noah Pettebone, jr. 

.Tevemiah Ross, jr., 
Elisha liichards, 
William Reynolds, 
Elias Roberts, 
Timothy Rose, 

Abrain Shaw, 
.Taiues Shaw, 
Joseph Shaw, 
Constant Searle, 
Abel Seely, 
Ijevi .Spenctr, 
Eleazer sprague, 
Aaron Stark, 
Daniel Stark, 



Darius Spoflford, 
James Spencer. 
Joseph Stajiles, 
Reuben .Stuplcs, 
Rufus .Stevens, 
James Stevenson, 
Nailer Sweed, 

Ichabod Tuttle, 

Abram Vangorder, 



John Vaulbie, 

Elihu Waters, 
JonaLlian Weeks, 
Bartholomew Weeks, 
Philip Weeks, 
Peter Wheeler, 
Stephen Whiton, 
Eben Wilcox, 
Elihu Williams, jr., 
Rufas Williams, 



Aziba William^-,, 
John Williams, 
John AVard, 
John Wilson, 
Parker Wilson, 
William VVoodring, 
Wade, 

Ozias Yale, 

Gershom Prince, colored, 



(Inscription on rear, over door.) 



SURVIVORS 



COLONELS. 

Zebulon Butler, Nathan Dcnisou. 

LIEUTEN.\XT.S. 

Daniel Gore, Timothy flowe. 

ENSIGX.S. 

Daniel Downing, Mattlnas HoUenbaok. 



Jabez Fish, 



John Abbotff, 

Gideon BaldwiUj 
Zera Beach, 
Huius Bennett, 
Solomon Bennett, 
Elisha Black man, 

Nathan Careyi 
Samuel Carey, 
George Cooper, 

Joseph Elliott, 

Samuel Finch-, 
Roswell Franklin, 
Hugh Forsman, 



SERGEANT.?. 

Phineas SpafTord, 

TRIVATES. 

"rhomas Fuller, 

John Garrett, 
Samuel Gore, 
Lemuel Gustin, 

Lebeils Hammond, 
Jacob Haldron, 

Elisha Harris, 
Kbenezer He))erd, 
William Heberd, 

Richard Inman, 
David Inman, 

John Jamison, 
Henry Bickers, 



Gates. 

.Joseph Morse, 

Thomas Neill, 

Josiali Pell, 
Phineas Peirce, 
Abraham Pike, 

.Tolm N. Skinner, 
Giles Slocum, 
Walter Spencer, 
Edward .Spencer, 
Roger Searle, 

Cherrick Westbrook, 
Eleazer West, 
Daniel Washburn. 



PRLSONERS TAKEN i'ROM WYOMING. 



John Gardner, 
Daniel Carr, 
Samuel Carey, 



Daniel Wallen, 
Daniel Roseuki-ans, 



Elisha Wilcox, 
Pierce. 



KILI/ED ON APPROACH TO WYOMING. 



William Croo!js, 
Miner Robbins, 
Benjamin H-ardinj; 



Stulcely Harding, 
James Hadsall, " 
James Hadsall, jr., 



Wm. Martin, Quocku, 
[colored. 



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